Cantonese American & Cantonese Canadian history / 美加粵僑史


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Cantonese American history I / 美國粵僑史 I

Cantonese American history is the history of Cantonese Americans or the history of ethnic Cantonese in the United States. Cantonese immigration to the U.S. consisted of three major waves, with the first beginning in the 19th century. Cantonese immigrants in the 19th century worked as laborers, particularly on the transcontinental railroad, such as the Central Pacific Railroad. They also worked as laborers in the mining industry, and suffered racial discrimination. While industrial employers were eager to get this new and cheap labor, the ordinary white public was stirred to anger by the presence of this "yellow peril." Despite the provisions for equal treatment of Cantonese immigrants in the 1868 Burlingame Treaty, political and labor organizations rallied against the immigration of what they regarded as a degraded race and "cheap Cantonese labor." Newspapers condemned the policies of employers, and even church leaders denounced the entrance of these aliens into what was regarded as a land for whites only. So hostile was the opposition that in 1882 the United States Congress eventually passed the Cantonese Exclusion Act, which prohibited immigration from China for the next ten years. This law was then extended by the Geary Act in 1892. The Cantonese Exclusion Act was the only U.S. law ever to prevent immigration and naturalization on the basis of race.[1] These laws not only prevented new immigration but also brought additional suffering as they prevented the reunion of the families of thousands of Cantonese men already living in the U.S. that had left China without their wives and children; anti-miscegenation laws in many states prohibited Cantonese men from marrying white women.[2]

In 1924 the law barred further entries of Cantonese; those already in the United States had been ineligible for citizenship since the previous year. Also by 1924, all Asian immigrants (except people from the Philippines, which had been annexed by the United States in 1898) were utterly excluded by law, denied citizenship and naturalization, and prevented from marrying Caucasians or owning land.[3]

Only since the 1940s when the US and China became allies during World War II, did the situation for Cantonese Americans begin to improve, as restrictions on entry into the country, naturalization and mixed marriage were being lessened. In 1943, Cantonese immigration to the U.S. was once again permitted — by way of the Magnuson Act — thereby repealing 61 years of official racial discrimination against the Cantonese. Large scale Cantonese immigration did not occur until 1965 when the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965[4] lifted national origin quotas.[5] After World War II, anti-Asian prejudice began to decrease, and Cantonese immigrants, along with other Asians (such as Japanese, Koreans, Indians and Vietnamese), have adapted and advanced. Currently, the Cantonese constitute the largest ethnic group of Asian Americans (about 22%), and have confounded earlier expectations that they would form an indigestible mass in American society.[citation needed] For example, many Cantonese Americans of American birth may know little or nothing about traditional Cantonese culture, just as European Americans and African Americans may know little or nothing about the original cultures of their ancestors.

Today in the United States, there are more than 3.3 million Cantonese — about 1% of the total population. The influx continues, where each year ethnic Cantonese people from the People's Republic of China, Taiwan and to a lesser extent Southeast Asia move to the US.[citation needed]

[edit] Transpacific trade

The Chinese reached North America during the time of the Spanish colonial rule over the Philippines (1565–1815), where they had established themselves as fishermen, sailors, and merchants on Spanish galleons that sailed between the Philippines and Mexican ports. California belonged to Mexico until 1848, and historians have asserted that a low number of Chinese had already settled there by the mid-18th century. Also later, as part of expeditions in 1788 and 1789 by John Meares, a British fur trader, sailing to Vancouver Island from Canton (now Guangzhou), China, having hired several Chinese sailors and craftsmen to help build the first European-designed boat to be launched in British Columbia.[7]

Shortly after the world war, the United States had already begun transpacific maritime trade with China, first with the commercial port of Canton (Guangzhou). There the Chinese became excited about opportunities and curious about America by their contact with American sailors and merchants. The main trade route between the U.S. and China then was between Canton and New England, where the first Chinese arrived via Cape Horn (as the Panama Canal did not exist then). These Chinese were mainly merchants, sailors, seamen, and students who wanted to see and acquaint themselves with a strange foreign land they had only heard about. However their presence was mostly temporary and only a few settled there permanently. American missionaries in China also sent small numbers of Chinese boys to the United States for schooling. From 1818 to 1825, five students stayed at the Foreign Mission School in Cornwall, Connecticut. In 1854 Yung Wing became the first Chinese graduate from an American college, Yale University.[8]

[edit] First wave (19th century to 1949): the beginning of the Chinese immigration

[edit] Background

The early 19th Sino-U.S. maritime trade began the history of Chinese Americans. At first only a handful of Chinese came, mainly as merchants, students, former sailors, to America. The first Chinese arrived in the United States around 1820. Subsequent immigrants that came from the 1820s up to the late 1840s were mainly men. By 1848, there were 325 Chinese Americans. There were 323 immigrants in 1849, 450 in 1850 and 20,000 in 1852 (2,000 in 1 day).[10] By 1852, there were 25,000; over 300,000 by 1880: a tenth of the Californian population - mostly from six districts of Canton (Guangdong) province[11] - who wanted to make their fortune in the 1849-era California Gold Rush. The Chinese did not however only come for the gold rush in California, but helped build the first transcontinental railway, worked the southern plantations after the Civil War, and for the setting up of California's agriculture and fisheries.[12][13][14] They were also fleeing the Taiping Rebellion that affected their region.From the outset, they were faced with the racism of settled European population, which since the 1870s culminated in massacres and forced relocations of Chinese migrants into what became known as Chinatowns.[15] Also with regard to the legal situation, the Chinese were by far more badly posed in the US than most other ethnic minorities. They had to pay special taxes (all foreign miners had to pay a tax of $20 a month), were not allowed to marry white European partners and could not acquire U.S. citizenship.[16]

[edit] Departure from China

Decrees by the Qing dynasty issued in 1712 and 1724, forbade emigration and overseas trade and were primarily intended to prevent remnant supporters of the Ming Dynasty from establishing bases overseas. However these decrees were widely ignored. Large scale immigration of Chinese laborers began after the Opium Wars the Burlingame Treaty with the United States in 1868 effectively lifted any restrictions on immigration and began large-scale immigration to the United States.[17] To try to avoid the troubles of leaving, most of the Chinese gold-seekers embarked on their transpacific voyage from the British colony of Hong Kong. More seldom, they left from the Portuguese colony of Macau, which was a large transhipment center for bonded laborers (called ‘coolies’ as their contracts specified conditions of servitude, slavery or peonage). Only merchants were able to take their wives and children overseas. The vast majority of Chinese immigrants were peasants, farmers and craftsmen. Young men, who were usually married, left their wives and children behind since they at first had the intention of only staying in America temporarily. Wives also had another major reason for staying behind as they had a traditional role in looking after her parents-in-law. Men sent a large part of the money they earned in America back to China. Because it was usual at that time in China to live in confined social nets of families, unions, and guilds, sometimes whole village communities and even regions (for instance, Taishan) sent nearly all or every of their young men to California. From the beginning of the California gold rush to 1882 – when an American federal law ended the Chinese influx – approximately 300,000 Chinese had arrived in the United States. Because the chances to earn more money were by far better in America than in China, these migrants often remained considerably longer than they had at first planned, despite of the increased xenophobia and hostility that was being directed against them.[18]

[edit] Arrival in the United States

The Chinese immigrants booked their passages on ships with the Pacific Mail Steamship Company (founded 1848) and the Occidental and Oriental Steamship Company (founded 1874). The money needed to fund their journey was mostly borrowed from relatives, district associations or from commercial lenders. Also, American employers of Chinese laborers also sent hiring agencies to China to pay for the Pacific voyage of those who were unable to borrow money. This "credit-ticket system" meant that the money advanced by the agencies to cover the cost of the passage was to be paid back by wages earned by the laborers later during their time in the U.S. The credit-ticket system had long been used by indentured migrants from South China who left to work in what Chinese called Nanyang (South Seas), the region to the south of China that included the Philippines, the former Dutch East Indies, the Malay Peninsula, and Borneo, Thailand, Indochina, and Burma. The Chinese who left for Australia also used the credit-ticket system.[20]

The entry of the Chinese into the U.S. was, to begin with, legal and uncomplicated and even had a formal judicial basis in 1868 with the signing of the Burlingame Treaty between the United States and China. But there were differences compared with the policy for European immigrants, in that if the Chinese migrants had children that were born in the USA, those children would automatically acquire American citizenship, but the immigrants themselves would remain as foreigners indefinitely. Unlike that with European immigrants the possibility of naturalization was withheld from them.[21]

Although the newcomers arrived in America after an already established small community of their fellow compatriots, they experienced many culture shocks in what to them was a strange country. The Chinese immigrants neither spoke and understood English nor were familiar with western culture and life; they often came from the rural lands in China and therefore had difficulty in adjusting to and finding their way around big towns like San Francisco. The racism they experienced from the European Americans from the outset of their arrival increased continuously to the turn of the 20th century, and prevented with lasting effect their assimilation into mainstream American society. This in turn led to the creation, cohesion, and cooperation of many Chinese benevolent associations and societies whose existence in the U.S. remained far into the 20th century as a necessity both for support and survival for the Chinese in America. There were also many other reasons that laid within the Chinese themselves that had obstructed and hindered their assimilation, notably their appearance. Under the rule of the Qing Dynasty, Han Chinese men were forced under the threat of beheading to follow the Manchu custom of dressing including shaving the front of their heads and combing the remaining hair into a queue. Historically, to the Manchus, the policy was both an act of submission and, in practical terms, an identification aid of friend from foe. Because Chinese immigrants returned as often as they could to China to see their family, they could not when in America cut off their often hated braids and then legally enter China again.[22]

The first Chinese immigrants usually remained faithful to traditional Chinese beliefs, which were either Confucianism, ancestral worship, Buddhism or Daoism, while some others adhered to any of the various ecclesiastical religious doctrines. The number of the Chinese migrants who converted to Christianity remained at first low. They were mainly Protestants who had already been converted in China where foreign Christian missionaries (who had first come en masse in the 19th century) had strived for centuries to wholly Christianize the nation with relatively minor success. Christian missionaries had also worked in the Chinese communities and settlements in America, but nevertheless their religious message found few who were receptive. It was estimated that during the first wave until the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act, less than 20 percent of Chinese immigrants had accepted Christian teachings. Their difficulty in being integrated was also exemplified by the end of the first wave in the mid-20th century when only a minority of Chinese living in the U.S. could speak English.[24]

Of the first wave of Chinese who came to America, few were women. In 1850, the Chinese community of San Francisco consisted of 4018 men and only 7 women. In 1855, women made up only two percent of the Chinese population in the U.S., and even in 1890 it had increased to only 4.8 percent. The lack of visibility of Chinese women in the general public was due partially to factors such as the cost of making the voyage when there was a lack of work opportunities for Chinese women in America, harsh working conditions and having the traditional female responsibility of looking after the children and extended family back in China. The only women who did go to America were usually the wives of merchants. Other factors were cultural in nature, such as having bound feet and not leaving the home. Another important consideration was that most Chinese men were worried that by bringing their wives and raising families in America they too would have been subjected to the same racial violence and discrimination they themselves had faced. With the heavily uneven gender ratio, prostitution grew rapidly and the Chinese sex trade and trafficking became a lucrative business. From the documents of the 1870 U.S. Census, 61 percent of 3536 Chinese women in California had been classified as prostitutes as an occupation. The existence of Chinese prostitution was detected early, after which the police, legislature and popular press singled out Chinese prostitutes for criticism and were seen as further evidence of the depravity of the Chinese and the repression of their women by their patriarchal cultural values.[25]

Laws passed by the California state legislature in 1866 that sought to curb the brothels and missionary activity by the Methodist and Presbyterian Churches helped reduce the number of Chinese prostitutes and in the 1880 U.S. Census documents only 24 percent of 3171 Chinese women in California were classified as prostitutes. Many of these women married Chinese Christians and formed some of the earliest Chinese-American families in mainland America. Nevertheless, American legislation used the prostitution issue to make the immigration of Chinese women far more difficult. On March 3, 1875, in Washington, D.C., the United States Congress enacted the Page Act that forbade all Chinese women who were considered "obnoxious" by representatives of U.S. consulates at their origins of departure. In effect, this led to American officials erroneously classifying many women as prostitutes, which greatly reduced the opportunities for all Chinese women to enter the United States.[25]

[edit] Formation of Chinese American associations

Societies in pre-1911 revolutionary China were distinctively collectivist – they were composed of close networks of extended families, unions, clan associations and guilds, where people had a duty to protect and help one another. Soon after the first Chinese had settled in San Francisco respectable Chinese merchants – the most prominent members of the Chinese community of the time – made the first assiduous effort to form social and welfare organizations (Chinese: "Kongsi") to help immigrants to locate others from their native towns, socialize, receive monetary aid and raise voices in community affairs.[27] At first, these organizations only provided interpretation, lodgings and job finding services for newcomers. In 1849, the first Chinese merchants’ association was formed, but it did not last long. In less than a few years it petered out as its role was gradually replaced by a network of Chinese district and clan associations when more immigrants came in greater numbers.[27] Eventually some of the more prominent district associations merged to become the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (more commonly known as the "Chinese Six Companies" because of the original six founding associations).[28] It quickly became the most powerful and politically vocal organization to represent the Chinese not only in San Francisco but for the whole of California. In other large cities and regions in America similar associations were formed.[27]

The Chinese associations mediated disputes and soon began participating in the hospitality industry, lending, health, and education and funeral services. The last being especially significant for the Chinese community because many of the immigrants for religious reasons laid value to burial or cremation (including the scattering of ashes) in China. In the 1880s many of the city and regional associations united to form a national Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (CCBA), an umbrella organization, which defended the political rights and legal interests of the Chinese American community, particularly during times of anti-Chinese repression. By resisting overt discrimination enacted against them, the local chapters of the national CCBA helped to bring a number of cases to the courts from the municipal level to the Supreme Court to fight discriminatory legislation and treatment. The associations also took their cases to the press and worked with governmental institutions and the Chinese diplomatic missions to protect their rights. In the San Francisco Chinatown, birth site of the CCBA, formed in 1882, the CCBA had effectively assumed the function of an unofficial local governing body, which even used privately-hired police or guards for protection of inhabitants at the height of the anti-Chinese excesses.[29]

Following a law enacted in New York, in 1933, in an attempt to evict Chinese from the laundry business, the Chinese Hand Laundry Alliance was founded, rivalizing, on the left, to the CCBA.

A minority of the Chinese immigrants did not join the CCBA as they were outcasts or lacked the clan or family ties to join more prestigious Chinese surname associations, business guilds, or legitimate enterprises. As a result, they organized themselves into their own secret societies - called Tongs - for mutual support and protection of their members. These first tongs modeled themselves upon the triads, underground organizations dedicated to the overthrow of the Qing dynasty, and adopted their codes of brotherhood, loyalty, and patriotism.[31]

Marginalized, poor, low educational levels and lacking opportunities than the wealthier Chinese, the tongs (unlike the triads) had formed without any clear political motives and soon found themselves involved in lucrative criminal activities, including extortion, gambling, people smuggling, and prostitution. Prostitution proved to be an extremely profitable business for the tongs, due to the high male-to-female ratio among the early immigrants. The tongs would kidnap or purchase females (including babies) from China and smuggle them over the Pacific Ocean to work in brothels and similar establishments. The tongs constantly battled over territory, profits, and women in feuds known as the tong wars, occurring between the 1850s to the 1920s, notably in San Francisco, Cleveland and Los Angeles.[31]

[edit] Fields of work

The Chinese came to America in large numbers as individual miners during the 1849 California Gold Rush with 40,400 being recorded as arriving from 1851–1860, and again in the 1860s when the Central Pacific Railroad recruited large labor gangs, many on five year contracts, to build its portion of the Transcontinental Railroad. The Chinese laborers worked out well and thousands more were recruited until the railroad's completion in 1869. Chinese labor provided the massive labor needed to build the majority of the Central Pacific's difficult railroad tracks through the Sierra Nevada mountains and across Nevada. The Chinese population rose from 2,716 in 1851 to 63,000 by 1871. In the decade 1861-70, 64,301 were recorded as arriving, followed by 123,201 in 1871-80 and 61,711 in 1881-1890. 77% were located in California, with the rest scattered across the West, the South, and New England.[32] Most came from Southern China looking for a better life; escaping a high rate of poverty left after the Taiping Rebellion. This immigration may have been as high as 90% male as most immigrated with the thought of returning home to start a new life. Those that stayed in America faced the lack of suitable Chinese brides as Chinese women were not allowed to emigrate in significant numbers after 1872. As a result, the mostly bachelor communities slowly aged in place with very low Chinese birth rates.

[edit] California Gold Rush

The first major immigration wave started around the 1850s. The West Coast of North America was being rapidly colonized during the California Gold Rush, while southern China suffered from severe political and economic instability due to the weakness of the Qing Dynasty government, internal rebellions such as the Taiping Rebellion, and external pressures such as the Opium Wars. As a result, many Chinese emigrated from the poor Taishanese- and Cantonese-speaking area in Guangdong province to the United States to find work.

For most Chinese immigrants of the 1850s San Francisco was only a transit station on the way to the gold fields in the Sierra Nevada. According to estimates, there were in the late 1850s 15,000 Chinese mine workers in the "Gold Mountains" or "Mountains of Gold" (Cantonese: Gam Saan, 金山). Because anarchic conditions prevailed in the gold fields, the robbery by European miners of Chinese mining area permits were barely pursued or prosecuted and the Chinese gold seekers themselves were often victim to violent assaults. In response to this hostile situation these Chinese miners developed a basic approach that differed from the white European gold miners. While the Europeans mostly worked as individuals or in small groups, the Chinese formed large teams, which protected them from attacks and, because of good organization, often gave them a higher yield. To protect themselves even further against attacks, they preferred to work areas that other gold seekers regarded as unproductive and had given up on. Because much of the gold fields were exhaustingly gone over until the beginning of the 20th century, many of the Chinese remained far longer than the European miners. In 1870, a third of the men in the Californian gold fields were Chinese.

However, their displacement had begun already in 1850 when white miners began to resent the Chinese miners, feeling that they were discovering gold that the white miners deserved. Eventually, protest rose from white miners who wanted to eliminate the growing competition. From 1852 to 1870 (ironically when the Civil Rights Act of 1866 was passed), the California legislature enforced a series of taxes.

In 1852, a special foreign miner's tax aimed at the Chinese was passed by the California legislature that was aimed at foreign miners who were not U.S. citizens. Given that the Chinese were ineligible for citizenship at that time and constituted the largest percentage of the non-white population, the taxes were primarily aimed at them and tax revenue was therefore generated almost exclusively by the Chinese.[32] This tax required a payment of three dollars each month at a time when Chinese miners were making approximately six dollars a month. Tax collectors could legally take and sell the property of those miners who refused or could not pay the tax. Fake tax collectors made money by taking advantage of people who could not speak English well, and some tax collectors, both false and real, stabbed or shot miners who could not or would not pay the tax. During the 1860s, many Chinese were expelled from the mine fields and forced to find other jobs. The Foreign Miner's Tax existed till 1870.[34]

The position of the Chinese gold seekers also was complicated by a decision of the California Supreme Court, which decided, in the case "The People of the State of California v. George W. Hall" ("People v. Hall") in 1854 that the Chinese were not allowed to testify as witnesses before the court in California against white citizens, including those accused of murder. The decision was largely based upon the prevailing opinion that the Chinese were...

“ ...a race of people whom nature has marked as inferior, and who are incapable of progress or intellectual development beyond a certain point, as their history has shown; differing in language, opinions, color, and physical conformation; between whom and ourselves nature has placed an impassable difference" and as such had no right " to swear away the life of a citizen" or participate" with us in administering the affairs of our Government.[35] ”
The ruling effectively made white violence against Chinese Americans unprosecutable, arguably leading to more intense white-on-Chinese race riots, such as the 1877 San Francisco Riot. The Chinese living in California were with this decision left practically in a legal vacuum, because they had now no possibility to assert their rightful legal entitlements or claims – possibly in cases of theft or breaches of agreement – in court. The ruling remained in force until 1873.[36]

[edit] Transcontinental railroad

After the gold rush wound down in the 1860s, the majority of the work force found jobs in the railroad industry. Chinese labor was integral to the construction of the First Transcontinental Railroad, which linked the railway network of the Eastern United States with California on the Pacific coast. Construction began in 1863 at the terminal points of Omaha, Nebraska and Sacramento, California, and the two sections were merged and ceremonially completed on May 10, 1869, at the famous "golden spike" event at Promontory Summit, Utah. It created a nationwide mechanized transportation network that revolutionized the population and economy of the American West. This network caused the wagon trains of previous decades to become obsolete, exchanging it for a modern transportation system. The building of the railway required enormous labor in the crossing of plains and high mountains by the Union Pacific Railroad and Central Pacific Railroad, the two privately chartered federally backed enterprises that built the line westward and eastward respectively.

Since there was a lack of white European construction workers, in 1865 a large number of Chinese workers were recruited from the silver mines, as well as later contract workers from China. The idea for the use of Chinese labor came from the manager of the Central Pacific Railroad, Charles Crocker who at first had trouble persuading his business partners of the fact that the mostly weedy, slender looking Chinese workers, some contemptuously called "Crocker's pets", were suitable for the heavy physical work. For the Central Pacific Railroad, hiring Chinese as opposed to whites kept labor costs down by a third, since the company would not pay their board or lodging. This type of steep wage inequality was commonplace at the time.[32] Eventually Crocker overcame shortages of manpower and money by hiring Chinese immigrants to do much of the back-breaking and dangerous labor. He drove the workers to the point of exhaustion, in the process setting records for laying track and finishing the project seven years ahead of the government's deadline.[37]

The Central Pacific track was constructed primarily by Chinese immigrants. Even though at first they were thought to be too weak or fragile to do this type of work, after the first day in which Chinese were on the line, the decision was made to hire as many as could be found in California (where most were gold miners or in service industries such as laundries and kitchens). Many more were imported from China. Most of the men received between one and three dollars per day, but the workers from China received much less. Eventually, they went on strike and gained small increases in salary.[38]

The route laid not only had to go across rivers and canyons, which had to be bridged, but also through two mountain ranges - the Sierra Nevada and the Rocky Mountains - where tunnels had to be created. The explosions had caused many of the Chinese laborers to lose their lives. Due to the wide expanse of the work, the construction had to be carried out at times in the extreme heat and also in other times in the bitter winter cold. So harsh were the conditions that sometimes even entire camps were buried under avalanches.[39]

The Central Pacific made great progress along the Sacramento Valley. However construction was slowed, first by the foothills of the Sierra Nevada, then by the mountains themselves and most importantly by winter snowstorms. Consequently, the Central Pacific expanded its efforts to hire immigrant laborers (many of whom were Chinese). The immigrants seemed to be more willing to tolerate the horrible conditions, and progress continued. The increasing necessity for tunnelling then began to slow progress of the line yet again. To combat this, Central Pacific began to use the newly-invented and very unstable nitro-glycerine explosives—which accelerated both the rate of construction and the mortality of the Chinese laborers. Appalled by the losses, the Central Pacific began to use less volatile explosives, and developed a method of placing the explosives in which the Chinese blasters worked from large suspended baskets that were rapidly pulled to safety after the fuses were lit.[39]

The well organized Chinese teams still turned out to be highly industrious and exceedingly efficient; at the peak of the construction work, shortly before completion of the railroad, more than 11,000 Chinese were involved with the project. Although the white European workers had higher wages and better working conditions, their share of the workforce was never more than 10 percent. As the Chinese railroad workers lived and worked tirelessly, they also managed the finances associated with their employment, and Central Pacific officials responsible for employing the Chinese, even those at first opposed to the hiring policy, came to appreciate the cleanliness and reliability of this group of laborers.[40]

After 1869, the Southern Pacific Railroad and Northwestern Pacific Railroad led the expansion of the railway network further into the American West, and many of the Chinese who had built the transcontinental railroad remained active in building the railways.[41] After several projects were completed, many of the Chinese workers relocated and looked for employment elsewhere, such as in farming, manufacturing firms, garment industries, and paper mills. However, widespread anti-Chinese discrimination and violence from whites, including riots and murders, drove many into self-employment.

[edit] Agriculture

Up until the middle of the 19th century, wheat was the primary crop grown in California. The favorable climate allowed the beginning of the intensive cultivation of certain fruit, vegetables and flowers. In the East Coast of the United States a strong demand for these products existed. However, the supply of these markets became possible only with the completion of the transcontinental railroad. Just as with the railway construction, there was a dire manpower shortage in the expanding Californian agriculture sector, so the white landowners began in the 1860s to put thousands of Chinese migrants to work in their large-scale farms and other agricultural enterprises. Many of these Chinese laborers were not unskilled seasonal workers, but were in fact experienced farmers, whose vital expertise the Californian fruit, vegetables and wine industries owe much to this very day. Despite this, the Chinese immigrants could not own any land on account of the laws in California at the time. Nevertheless, they frequently pursued agricultural work under leases or profit-sharing contracts with their employers.[42]

Many of these Chinese men came from the Pearl River Delta Region in southern China, where they had learned how to develop fertile farmland in inaccessible river valleys. This know-how was used for the reclamation of the extensive valleys of the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta. During the 1870s, thousands of Chinese laborers played an indispensable role in the construction of a vast network of earthen levees in the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta in California. These levees opened up thousands of acres of highly fertile marshlands for agricultural production. Chinese workers were used to construct hundreds of miles of levees throughout the delta's waterways in an effort to reclaim and preserve farmland and control flooding. These levees therefore confined waterflow to the riverbeds. Many of the workers stayed in the area and made a living as farm workers or sharecroppers, until they were driven out during an outbreak of anti-Chinese violence in the mid-1890s.[43]

Chinese immigrants settled a few small towns in the Sacramento River delta, two of them: Locke, California and Walnut Grove, California located 15–20 miles south of Sacramento were predominantly Chinese in the turn of the 20th century. Also Chinese farmers contributed to the development of the San Gabriel Valley of the Los Angeles area, followed by other Asian nationalities like the Japanese and Indians. Same was true in the Central Coast of California with Chinese and Japanese, then came Filipinos in the Santa Maria, California/ San Luis Obispo, California area, where there are some Chinese or Asian-American descendants.

[edit] Military

A small number of Chinese fought during the American Civil War. Of the approximately 200 Chinese people in the eastern United States at the time, fifty-eight are known to have fought in the Civil War, many of them in the Navy. Most fought for the Union but a small number are also known to have fought for the Confederacy.[44]

Union soldiers with Chinese heritage

Corporal Joseph Pierce, 14th Connecticut Infantry.[45]
Corporal John Tomney/Tommy, 70th Regiment Excelsior Brigade, New York Infantry.[46]
Edward Day Cohota, 23rd Massachusetts Infantry.[45][47]
Antonio Dardelle, 27th Connecticut Regiment.[48]
Hong Neok Woo, 50th Regiment Infantry, Pennsylvania Volunteer Emergency Militia.[49]
Thomas Sylvanus, 42nd New York Infantry.[50]
John Earl, cabin boy on USS Hartford.[51]
William Hang, landsman on USS Hartford.[51]
John Akomb, steward on a gunboat.[51]
Confederate soldiers of Chinese heritage[52]

Christopher Wren Bunker and Stephen Decatur Bunker, the sons of conjoined twins Chang and Eng Bunker. 37th Battalion, Virginia Cavalry.
John Fouenty, draftee and deserter.
Charles K. Marshall

[edit] Fisheries

From the Pearl River Delta Region also came countless of experienced Chinese fishermen. In the 1850s they founded a fishing economy on the Californian coast that grew exponentially, and by the 1880s extended along the whole West Coast of the United States, from Canada to Mexico. With entire fleets of small boats (sampans; 舢舨), the Chinese fishermen caught herring, soles, smelts, cod, sturgeon, and shark. To catch larger fish like the barracudas, they used Chinese junks, which were built in large numbers on the American west coast. Among the catch included crabs, clams, abalone, salmon, and seaweed—all of which, including shark, formed the staple of Chinese cuisine. They sold their catch in local markets or shipped it salt-dried to East Asia and Hawaii.[54]

Again, this initial success was met with a hostile reaction. Since the late 1850s, European migrants – above all Greeks, Italians and Dalmatians – moved into fishing off the American west coast too, and they exerted pressure on the California legislature, which, finally, expelled the Chinese fishermen with a whole array of taxes, laws and regulations. They had to pay special taxes (Chinese Fisherman's Tax), and they were not allowed to fish with traditional Chinese nets nor with junks. The most disastrous effect occurred when the Scott Act, a federal US law adopted in 1888, established that the Chinese migrants, even when they had entered and were living the US legally, could not re-enter after having temporarily left US territory. The Chinese fishermen, in effect, could therefore not leave with their boats the 3-mile (4.8 km) zone of the west coast.[55] Their work became unprofitable, and gradually they gave up fishing. The only area where the Chinese fishermen remained unchallenged was shark fishing, where they stood in no competition to the European-Americans. Many former fishermen found work in the salmon canneries, which until the 1930s were major employers of Chinese migrants, because white workers were less interested in such hard, seasonal and relatively unrewarding work.[56]

[edit] Other occupations

Since the California gold rush, many Chinese migrants made their living as domestic servants, housekeepers, running restaurants, laundries (leading to the 1886 Supreme Court decision Yick Wo v. Hopkins and then to the 1933 creation of the Chinese Hand Laundry Alliance) and a wide spectrum of shops, such as food stores, antique shops, jewelers, and imported goods stores. In addition, the Chinese often worked in borax and mercury mines, as seamen on board the ships of American shipping companies or in the consumer goods industry, especially in the cigar, boots, footwear and textile manufacturing. During the economic crises of the 1870s, factory owners were often glad that the migrants were content with the low wages given. The Chinese took the bad wages, because their wives and children lived in China where the cost of living was low. As they were classified as foreigners they were excluded from joining American trade unions, and so they formed their own Chinese organizations (called "guilds") that represented their interests with the employers. The American trade unionists were nevertheless still wary as the Chinese workers were willing to work for their employers for relatively low wages and incidentally acted as strikebreakers thereby running counter to the interests of the trade unions. In fact, many employers used the threat of importing Chinese strikebreakers as a means to prevent or break up strikes, which caused further resentment against the Chinese. A notable incident occurred in 1870, when 75 young men from China were hired to replace striking shoe workers in North Adams, Massachusetts.[57] Nevertheless, these young men had no idea that they had been brought from San Francisco by the superintendent of the shoe factory to act as strikebreakers at their destination. This incident provided the trade unions with propaganda, later repeatedly cited, calling for the immediate and total exclusion of the Chinese. This particular controversy slackened somewhat as attention focused on the economic crises in 1875 when the majority of cigar and boots manufacturing companies went under. Mainly, just the textile industry still employed Chinese workers in large numbers. In 1876, in response to the rising anti-Chinese hysteria, both major political parties included Chinese exclusion in their campaign platforms as a way to win votes by taking advantage of the nation's industrial crisis. Rather than directly confronting the divisive problems such as class conflict, economic depression, and rising unemployment, this helped put the question of Chinese immigration and contracted Chinese workers on the national agenda and eventually paved way for the era's most racist legislation, the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882.[58]

Statistics on employed Male Chinese in the Twenty, Most Frequently Reported Occupations, 1870

This table describes the occupation repartition among the Chinese male in the twenty.[59]

# Occupation Population %
1. Miners 17 069 36.9
2. Laborers (not specified) 9 436 20.4
3. Domestic servants 5 420 11.7
4. Launderers 3 653 7.9
5. Agricultural laborers 1 766 3.8
6. Cigar-makers 1 727 3.7
7. Gardeners & nurserymen 676 1.5
8. Traders & dealers(not specified) 604 1.3
9. Employees of railroad co., (not clerks) 568 1.2
10. Boot & shoemakers 489 1.1
11. Woodchoppers 419 0.9
12. Farmers & planters 366 0.8
13. Fishermen & oystermen 310 0.7
14. Barbers & hairdressers 243 0.5
15. Clerks in stores 207 0.4
16. Mill & factory operatives 203 0.4
17. Physicians & surgeons 193 0.4
18. Employees of manufacturing establishments 166 0.4
19. Carpenters & joiners 155 0.3
20. Peddlers 152 0.3
Sub-Total (20 occupations) 43 822 94.7
Total (all occupations) 46 274 100.0

[edit] Indispensable workforce

Supporters and opponents of Chinese immigration affirm[dubious – discuss] that Chinese labor was indispensable to the economic prosperity of the west. The Chinese worked in mines, swamps, construction and in factories, which could be life threatening and not easy to accomplish, many jobs that the Caucasians didn't want to do was left to the Chinese. Some believed that the Chinese were inferior to the white people and should be doing the white people's inferior work.[60]

Manufactures depended on the Chinese workers because they had to reduce labor cost to save money and the Chinese labor was cheaper than the Caucasian labor. The labor from the Chinese was cheaper because they didn't live like the Caucasians, they needed less money because they lived with lower standards.[61]

The Chinese were in competition with the African-American in the labor market. In the south of the United States, July 1869, at an immigration convention at Memphis, a committee was formed to consolidate schemes for importing Chinese laborers into the south like the African-American.[62]

-----------------------------

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_American_history

Cantonese American history II / 美國粵僑史 II

[edit] Anti-Chinese movement

In the 1870s several economic crisises came about in parts of the United States, and many Americans lost their jobs, from which arose throughout the American West an anti-Chinese movement and its main mouthpiece, the Workingman's Party labor organization, which was led by the Californian Denis Kearney. The party took particular aim against Chinese immigrant labor and the Central Pacific Railroad that employed them. Its famous slogan was "The Chinese must go!". Kearney's attacks against the Chinese were particularly virulent and openly racist, and found considerable support among white people in the American West. This sentiment led eventually to the Chinese Exclusion Act. Their propaganda branded the Chinese migrants as "perpetual foreigners" whose work caused wage dumping and thereby prevented American men from "gaining work". After the 1893 economic downturn, measures adopted in the severe depression included anti-Chinese riots that eventually spread throughout the West from which came racist violence and massacres. Most of the Chinese farm workers, which in 1890 made up a 75 percent share of all Californian agricultural workers, were expelled. The Chinese found refuge and shelter in the Chinatowns of large cities. The vacant agricultural jobs subsequently proved to be so unattractive to the unemployed white Europeans that they avoided to sign up; most of the vacancies were then filled by Japanese workers, after whom in the decades later came the Filipinos, and finally the Mexicans.[63] The term "Chinaman", originally coined as a self-referential term by the Chinese, came to be used as a term against the Chinese in America as the new term "Chinaman's chance" came to symbolize the unfairness Chinese experienced in the American justice system as some were murdered largely due to hatred of their race and culture.

[edit] Exclusion era

[edit] Settlement

Across the country, Chinese immigrants clustered in Chinatowns. The largest population was in San Francisco. Some estimated over half of these early immigrants were from Taishan.[citation needed] At first, when surface gold was plentiful, the Chinese were well tolerated and well-received. As the easy gold dwindled and competition for it intensified, animosity to the Chinese and other foreigners increased. Organized labor groups demanded that California's gold was only for Americans, and began to physically threaten foreigners' mines or gold diggings. Most, after being forcibly driven from the mines, settled in Chinese enclaves in cities, mainly San Francisco, and took up low end wage labor such as restaurant work and laundry. A few settled in towns throughout the west. With the post Civil War economy in decline by the 1870s, anti-Chinese animosity became politicized by labor leader Denis Kearney and his Workingman's Party as well as by Governor John Bigler, both of whom blamed Chinese "coolies" for depressed wage levels.

[edit] Discrimination

The flow of immigration (encouraged by the Burlingame Treaty of 1868) was stopped by the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. This act outlawed all Chinese immigration to the United States and denied citizenship to those already settled in the country. Renewed in 1892 and extended indefinitely in 1902, the Chinese population declined until the act was repealed in 1943 by the Magnuson Act.[32] Official discrimination extended to the highest levels of the U.S. government: in 1888, U.S. President Grover Cleveland, who supported the Chinese Exclusion Act, proclaimed the Chinese "an element ignorant of our constitution and laws, impossible of assimilation with our people and dangerous to our peace and welfare."[64]

Many Western states also enacted discriminatory laws that made it difficult for Chinese and Japanese immigrants to own land and find work. Some of these Anti-Chinese laws were the Foreign Miners' License tax, which required a monthly payment of three dollars from every foreign miner who did not desire to become a citizen. Foreign-born Chinese could not become citizens because they had been rendered ineligible to citizenship by the Naturalization Act of 1790 that reserved naturalized citizenship to ""free white persons".[65] This remained in place until voided by the Civil Rights Act of 1870.[citation needed]

By then, California had collected five million dollars from the Chinese. Another was "An Act to Discourage Immigration to this State of Persons Who Cannot Become Citizens Thereof", which imposed on the master or owner of a ship a landing tax of fifty dollars for each passenger ineligible to naturalized citizenship. "To Protect Free White Labor against competition with Chinese Coolie Labor and to Discourage the Immigration of Chinese into the State of California" was another law (aka Anti-Coolie Act, 1862) that imposed a $2.50 tax per month on all Chinese residing in the state, except Chinese operating businesses, licensed to work in mines, or engaged in the production of sugar, rice, coffee or tea. In 1886, the Supreme Court struck down a Californian law, in Yick Wo v. Hopkins, judging that although it was race-neutral on its face, it was administered in a prejudicial manner was an infringement of the Equal Protection Clause in the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. The law aimed in particular against Chinese laundry businesses.

However, this decision was only a temporary setback for the Nativist movement. In 1882, the Chinese Exclusion Act made it unlawful for Chinese laborers to enter the United States for the next 10 years and denied naturalized citizenship to Chinese already here. Initially intended for Chinese laborers, it was broadened in 1888 to include all persons of the "Chinese race". And in 1896, Plessy v. Ferguson effectively canceled Yick Wo. v. Hopkins, by supporting the "separate but equal" doctrine.

At the beginning of the 20th century, Surgeon General Walter Wyman requested to put San Francisco's Chinatown under quarantine because of an outbreak of bubonic plague. Chinese residents, supported by governor Henry Gage (1899–1903) and local businesses, fought the quarantine through numerous federal court battles, claiming the Marine Hospital Service was violating their rights under the Fourteenth Amendment, and in the process, launched lawsuits against Kinyoun, director of the San Francisco Quarantine Station.[66]

The 1906 San Francisco earthquake allowed a critical change to Chinese immigration patterns. The practice known as "Paper Sons" and "Paper Daughters" was allegedly introduced. Chinese would declare themselves to be United States citizens whose records were lost in the earthquake.[67]

A year before, more than 60 labor unions formed the Asiatic Exclusion League in San Francisco, including labor leaders Patrick Henry McCarthy (mayor of San Francisco from 1910 to 1912), Olaf Tveitmoe (first president of the organization), and Andrew Furuseth and Walter McCarthy of the Sailor's Union. The League was almost immediately successful in pressuring the San Francisco Board of Education to segregate Asian school children.

California Attorney General Ulysses S. Webb (1902–1939) put great effort into enforcing the Alien Land Law of 1913, which he had co-written, and prohibited "aliens ineligible for citizenship" (i.e. all Asian immigrants) from owning land or property. The law was struck down by the Supreme Court of California in 1946 (Sei Fujii v. California).

One of the few cases in which Chinese immigration was allowed during this era were "Pershing's Chinese", who were allowed to immigrate from Mexico to the United States shortly before World War I as they aided General John J. Pershing in his expedition against Pancho Villa in Mexico.[68]

The Immigration Act of 1917 banned all immigrations from many parts of Asia, including parts of China (see map on left), and foreshadowed the Immigration Restriction Act of 1924. Other laws included the Cubic Air Ordinance, which prohibited Chinese from occupying a sleeping room with less than 500 cubic feet (14 m3) of breathing space between each person, the Queue Ordinance,[69] which forced Chinese with long hair worn in a queue to pay a tax or to cut it, and Anti-Miscegenation Act of 1889 that prohibited Chinese men from marrying white women, and the Cable Act of 1922, which terminated citizenship for white American women who married an Asian man. The majority of these laws were not fully overturned until the 1950s, at the dawn of the modern American civil rights movement.

[edit] Chinatown: Slumming, Gambling, Prostitution and Opium

In his classic study of 1890, How The Other Half Lives, Jacob Riis characterized the Chinese of New York as "a constant and terrible menace to society".,[70] who "are in no sense a desirable element of the population"[71] Riis was referring to the reputation of New York's Chinatown as a place full of illicit activity, including gambling, prostitution and opium smoking. To some extent, Riis' characterization was true, though quite often the sensational press exploited the great differences between Chinese and Anglo-American language and culture in order to sell newspapers,[72] exploit Chinese labor and promote Americans of European birth. Especially in the press, opium smoking and prostitution in New York's Chinatown were greatly exaggerated, while many reports of indecency and immorality were simply fictitious.[73] Casual observers of Chinatown believed that opium use was rampant since they constantly witnessed Chinese smoking through water pipes. In fact, local Chinatown residents often smoked tobacco through such pipes.[74] In the late-19th century, many European-Americans experienced Chinatown through the phenomenon known as "slumming", wherein affluent New Yorkers formed groups, accompanied by a guide, in order to explore vast immigrant districts such as the Lower East Side.[75] Slummers often frequented the brothels and opium dens of Chinatown in the late 1880s and early 1890s.[76] However, by the mid-1890s, slummers rarely participated in Chinese brothels or opium smoking, but instead were shown fake opium joints where Chinese actors and their white wives staged illicit scenes for the benefit of their audiences.[76] Quite often, such staged shows, which included gunfights that mimicked those of local tongs, were the doings of the professional guides or "lobbygows" - often Irish-Americans - who paid the actors.[77] Especially in New York, the Chinese community was unique among immigrant communities in so far as its illicit activity was turned into a cultural commodity.

Perhaps the most pervasive illicit activity that took place in Chinatowns of the late-19th century was gambling. In 1868, one of the earliest Chinese residents in New York, Wah Kee, opened a fruit and vegetable store on Pell Street while keeping rooms upstairs available for gambling and opium smoking.[78] A few decades later, local tongs, which originated in the California goldfields around 1860, controlled most gambling (fan-tan, faro, lotteries) in New York's Chinatown.[73] One of the most popular games of chance was fan-tan where players guessed the exact coins or cards left under a cup after a pile of cards had been counted off for at a time.[79] Most popular, however, was the lottery. Players purchased randomly assigned sweepstakes numbers from gambling-houses, with drawings held at least once a day in lottery saloons.[80] According to Henry Tsai, there were ten such saloons found in San Francisco in 1876, which received protection from corrupt policemen in exchange for weekly payoffs of around five dollars per week.[80] Such gambling-houses were frequented by as many whites as Chinamen, though whites sat at separate tables.[81]

Between 1850 and 1875, the most popular complaint against Chinese residents was their involvement in prostitution.[82] During this time, Chinese secret societies, such as the Hip Yee Tong, imported over six-thousand Chinese women to serve as prostitutes.[83] Most of these women came from southeastern China and were either kidnapped, purchased from poor families or lured to ports like San Francisco with the promise of marriage.[83] Prostitutes fell into three categories, namely, those sold to wealthy Chinese merchants as concubines, those purchased for high-class Chinese brothels catering exclusively to Chinese men or those purchased for prostitution in lower-class establishments frequented by a mixed clientele.[83] In late-19th century San Francisco, most notably Jackson Street, prostitutes wer often housed in rooms 10x10 or 12x12 feet and were often beaten or tortured for not attracting enough business or refusing to work for any reason.[84] In San Francisco, "highbinders" (various Chinese gangs) protected brothel owners, extorted weekly tributes from prostitutes and caused general mayhem in Chinatown.[85] However, many of San Francisco's Chinatown whorehouses were located on property owned by high ranking European-American city officials, who took a percentage of the proceeds in exchange for protection from prosecution.[86] From the 1850s to the 1870s, California passed numerous acts to limit prostitution by all races, yet only Chinese were ever prosecuted under these laws.[87] After the Thirteenth Amendment was passed in 1865, Chinese women brought to the United States for prostitution signed a contract so that their employers would avoid accusations of slavery.[83] Many Americans believed that Chinese prostitutes were corrupting traditional morality and thus the Page Act was passed in 1875, which placed restrictions on female Chinese immigration. Those who supported the Page Act were attempting to protect American family values, while those who opposed the Act were concerned that it might hinder the efficiency of the cheap-labor provided by Chinese males - no one was concerned about the exploitation of Chinese women.[88]

Another major concern of European-Americans in relation to Chinatowns was the smoking of opium, even though the importation and consumption of opium long predated Chinese immigration to the United States.[89] Tariff acts of 1832 established opium regulation and in 1842 opium was taxed at seventy-five cents per pound.[90] In New York, by 1870, opium dens had opened on Baxter and Mott Streets in Manhattan Chinatown,[90] while in San Francisco, by 1876, Chinatown supported over 200 opium dents, each with a capacity of between five and fifteen people.[90] After the Burlingame Commercial Treaty of 1880, only American citizens could legally import opium into the United States, thus Chinese businessmen had to rely on non-Chinese importers in order to maintain opium supply. Ultimately, it was Anglo-Americans who were largely responsible for the legal importation and illegal smuggling of opium via the port of San Francisco and the Mexican border, after 1880.[90]

Since the early 19th century, opium was widely used as an ingredient in medicines, cough syrups and child quieters.[91] However, many 19th century doctors and opium experts, such as Dr. H.H. Kane and Dr. Leslie E. Keeley, made a distinction between opium used for smoking and that used for medicinal purposes, though found no difference in addictive potential between them.[92] As part of a larger campaign to rid the United States of Chinese influence, Anglo-American doctors claimed that opium smoking led to increased involvement in prostitution by young white women and to genetic contamination via miscegenation.[93] Anti-Chinese advocates believed America faced a dual dilemma: opium smoking was ruining moral standards and Chinese labor was lowering wages and taking jobs away from European-Americans.[94]

[edit] Second wave (1949 to the 1980s)

The Magnuson Act, also known as the Chinese Exclusion Repeal Act of 1943, was immigration legislation proposed by U.S. Representative (later Senator) Warren G. Magnuson of Washington and signed into law on December 17, 1943 in the United States. It allowed Chinese immigration for the first time since the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, and permitted Chinese nationals already residing in the country to become naturalized citizens. This marked the first time since the Naturalization Act of 1790 that any Asians were permitted to be naturalized.

It was passed during World War II, when China was a welcome ally to the United States. It limited Chinese immigrants to 105 visas per year selected by the government. That quota was determined by the Immigration Act of 1924, which set immigration from an allowed country at 2% of the number of people who were already living in the United States in 1890 of that nationality. Chinese immigration later increased with the passage of the Immigration and Nationality Services Act of 1965.[95]

Until 1979, the United States recognized the Republic of China on Taiwan as the sole legitimate government of all of China, and the immigration from Taiwan was counted under the same quota as that for mainland China, which had no immigration to the United States from 1949 to 1977. During the late 1970s, the opening up of the People's Republic of China and the breaking of diplomatic relations with the Republic of China led to the passage, in 1979, of the Taiwan Relations Act placed Taiwan as an area with a separate immigration quota than the People's Republic of China. Under British rule, Hong Kong was considered a separate jurisidiction for the purpose of immigration, and this status continued after the handover in 1997 as a result of the Immigration Act of 1990.

Chinese Muslims have immigrated to the United States and lived within the Chinese community rather than integrating into other foreign Muslim communities. Two of the most prominent Chinese American Muslims are the Republic of China National Revolutionary Army Generals Ma Hongkui and his son Ma Dunjing who moved to Los Angeles after fleeing from China to Taiwan. Pai Hsien-yung is another Chinese Muslim writer who moved to the United States after fleeing from China to Taiwan, his father was the Chinese Muslim General Bai Chongxi.

Ethnic Chinese immigration to the United States since 1965 has been aided by the fact that the United States maintains separate quotas for Mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. During the late 1960s and early and mid-1970, Chinese immigration into the United States came almost exclusively from Taiwan creating the Taiwanese American subgroup. A smaller number of immigrants from Hong Kong arrived as college and graduate students. Immigration from Mainland China was almost non-existent until 1977, when the PRC removed restrictions on emigration leading to immigration of college students and professionals. These recent groups of Chinese tended to cluster in suburban areas and to avoid urban Chinatowns.

[edit] Third wave (1980s to today)

In addition to students and professionals, a third wave of recent immigrants consisted of undocumented aliens, chiefly from Fujian Province – particularly the counties around Fuzhou -[96] as well as Wenzhounese from Zhejiang Province – who went to the United States in search of lower-status manual jobs. These aliens tend to concentrate in heavily urban areas, particularly in New York City, and there is often very little contact between these Chinese and those higher-educated Chinese professionals. Quantification of the magnitude of this modality of immigration is imprecise and varies over time, but it appears to continue unabatedly on a significant basis.

While some speak some Mandarin, they mostly speak Fuzhou, the standard dialect of Eastern Min, which is not mutually intelligible with the more widespread Southern Min. They are thus a linguistic minority not only among Americans, but also among other Chinese Americans.

Typically, an immigrant from Fujian will pay a snakehead several tens of thousands of dollars to be transported to the United States, as well as room and board. The funds for the trip are provided by the immigrant's family and village. The immigrant will usually work for three years, the first two to pay off the debt and the third as profit.

In the 1980s, there was widespread concern by the PRC over a brain drain as graduate students were not returning to the PRC. This exodus worsened after the Tiananmen protests of 1989. However since the start of the 21st century, there have been an increasing number of returnees producing a brain gain for the PRC.[97]

Many immigrants from the PRC benefited from the Chinese Student Protection Act of 1992, which granted permanent residency status to immigrants from the PRC. One unintended side effect of the law was that the primary beneficiaries of the law were undocumented Fujianese immigrants, who unlike the Chinese graduate students would have had no chance to gain permanent residency through normal means. In addition, many Fujianese also have gained legal residency by filing political asylum for reasons such as being refugees of China's one child policy or being practitioners of Falun Gong. Hence, many Chinese graduate students have to find another way of being legal residency in US, such as marriage with US citizens.

[edit] Statistics of the Chinese population in the United States (1840–2004)

The table shows the ethnic Chinese population of the USA (including persons with mixed-ethnic origin).[98]

Year Total U.S. population Of Chinese origin Percentage
1840 17,069,453 not available n/a
1850 23,191,876 4,018 0.02%
1860 31,443,321 34,933 0.11%
1870 38,558,371 64,199 0.17%
1880 50,189,209 105,465 0.21%
1890 62,979,766 107,488 0.17%
1900 76,212,168 118,746 0.16%
1910 92,228,496 94,414 0.10%
1920 106,021,537 85,202 0.08%
1930 123,202,624 102,159 0.08%
1940 132,164,569 106,334 0.08%
1950 151,325,798 150,005 0.10%
1960 179,323,175 237,292 0.13%
1970 203,302,031 436,062 0.21%
1980 226,542,199 812,178 0.36%
1990 248,709,873 1,645,472 0.66%
2000 281,421,906 2,432,585 0.86%
2004 (Estimation of the US Census) 285,691,501 3,353,486 1.17%

[edit] See also

[show]v · d · eChinese American topics
History of Asian American immigration
Chinese emigration
Overseas Chinese
Immigration to the United States
Illegal immigration to the United States
Racism in the United States
History of the United States
Chinese Canadian
History of Chinese immigration to Canada
[edit] Notes and references

^ Chin, Gabriel J., (1998) UCLA Law Review vol. 46, at 1 "Segregation's Last Stronghold: Race Discrimination and the Constitutional Law of Immigration"
^ Chin, Gabriel and Hrishi Karthikeyan, (2002) Asian Law Journal vol. 9 "Preserving Racial Identity: Population Patterns and the Application of Anti-Miscegenation Statutes to Asian Americans, 1910-1950"
^ Bernfeld, Beatrice (May/June 2000), Asian Pacific Americans-enriching the evolving American culture, http://www.cbp.gov/xp/CustomsToday/2005 ... acific.xml, retrieved 2007-09-01
^ Gabriel J. Chin, "The Civil Rights Revolution Comes to Immigration Law: A New Look at the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965," 75 North Carolina Law Review 273(1996)
^ AP (2003-12-29), Chinese communities shifting to Mandarin, http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/en/doc/200 ... 294186.htm, retrieved 2007-09-01
^ Canton - harbor crowded with sampans. Jackson, William Henry, 1843-1942. World's Transportation Commission photograph collection (Library of Congress).
^ Brownstone, p.25
^ Brownstone, p.2, 25
^ From Views of Chinese published in The graphic and Harper's weekly. April 29, 1876. The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley.
^ Geoffrey Ward, The West, page 147
^ Bill Bryson, Made In America,page 154.
^ Brownstone, p.26
^ "Chinese Fisheries in California," Chamber's Journal, Vol. L (January 21, 1954), p. 48.
^ Robert Alan Nash, "The Chinese Shrimp Fishery in California" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 1973), p. 182.
^ D Ying-Hui Wu, J Dao-Sheng Tung, p.35
^ Thomas W. Chinn, ed., A History of the Chinese in California: A Syllabus (San Francisco: Chinese Historical Society of America, 1969), p. 72.
^ http://epress.lib.uts.edu.au/dspace/bit ... oChap7.pdf
^ Brownstone, pp.26–35, 57
^ California Historical Society. Library of Congress (The Bancroft Library).
^ Cohen, LM. pp.40-44.
^ Brownstone, pp.37–44; see Pacific Mail Steamship Company.
^ Lai Him Mark, pp.23-31
^ California Historical Society. The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley
^ McCunn, pp.109-111; see also Christianity in China
^ a b Prostitution in the Early Chinese Community, 1850–1900; Teitelbaum; Asher, pp.70-73
^ Ethnic Studies Library, University of California, Berkeley
^ a b c The Chinese in California, 1850-1925 - Business & Politics, American Memory, Library of Congress
^ AsianWeek.com. "New President of the Chinese Six Companies", By Ji Hyun Lim, AsianWeek Staff Writer, Mar 07, 2003.
^ McCunn, p.113; Brownstone, p.52–56; Chinese Six Companies
^ Roy D. Graves pictorial collection: Chinese and Chinatown. The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley
^ a b Brownstone, p.56; Tong (organization); Triad
^ a b c d Takaki, Ronald (1998). Strangers From A Different Shore: A History of Asian Americans. New York: Back Bay Books.
^ Illustration: From Roy D. Graves pictorial collection
^ Takaki, Ronald. Strangers from a Different Shore. A History of Asian Americans. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1989.
^ The People Vs. Hall 1854, Ancestors in the Americas.
^ Brownstone, p. 59–64; McCunn, p.27
^ "Charles Crocker". PBS.org. http://www.pbs.org/weta/thewest/people/a_c/crocker.htm.
^ Ong, Paul M. "The Central Pacific Railroad and Exploitation of Chinese Labor." Journal of Ethnic Studies 1985 13(2): 119-124. ISSN 0091-3219. -- Ong tries to resolve the apparent inconsistency in the literature on Asians in early California, with contradictory studies showing evidence both for and against the exploitation of Chinese labor by the Central Pacific Railroad, using monopsony theory as developed by Joan Robinson. Monopsonists are buyers whose share of the market is large enough to affect prices, or whose supply curves are not completely elastic. By setting different wages for whites and Chinese - each having different elasticities of supply - and using Chinese in the menial and dangerous jobs, with whites in the better positions, the two groups were complementary rather than interchangeable. Calculations thus prove higher levels of exploitation of the Chinese than in previous studies.
^ a b Saxton, Alexander. "The Army of Canton in the High Sierra" Pacific Historical Review 1966 35(2): 141-151. ISSN 0030-8684
^ Kraus, George. "Chinese Laborers and the Construction of the Central Pacific." Utah Historical Quarterly 1969 37(1): 41-57. ISSN 0042-143X.
^ The Chinese and the Transcontinental Railroad Brownstone, p.65–68; McCunn, p.32
^ Brownstone, p.68–74
^ Sacramento Delta Blues: Chinese Workers and the Building of the California Levees, 1860-1880
^ http://www.voanews.com/english/news/asi ... 82254.html
^ a b http://www.army.mil/asianpacificsoldier ... ilwar.html
^ http://sites.google.com/site/accsacw/Home/john-tommy
^ http://sites.google.com/site/accsacw/Home/cohota
^ http://sites.google.com/site/accsacw/Home/dardelle
^ http://sites.google.com/site/accsacw/Home/hong-neok-woo
^ http://sites.google.com/site/accsacw/Home/sylvanus
^ a b c http://mccunn.com/Civil-War.html
^ http://sites.google.com/site/accsacw/Home/confederate-1
^ "Chinese Fishermen, Monterey, California. 1875": From Monterey County Photographs: Chinese Fishing Village Images. California Historical Society. The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley.
^ Brownstone, p.74; McCunn, p.44
^ Cassel, p.435
^ Vessels of Exchange: the Global Shipwright in the Pacific, Hans Konrad Van Tilburg, University of Hawaiêi at Manoa; Brownstone, p.74; McCunn, p.47
^ A Reply to Stanford Lyman
^ Chinese Workers Arrive in North Adams, Jun 13, 1870; McCunn, p. 28, 54–57; Brownstone, p. 75–79; Gyory p.4 [1]
^ 1870 U.S. Census, Population and social Statistics, Volume I, Table XXIX, pp 704-715
^ LI, Peter S.”Occupational mobility and kinship assistance: a study of Chinese immigrants in Chicago”, p.35-37
^ SAXTON, Alexander, “The indispensable enemy; labor and the anti-Chinese movement in California”, p. 5-6
^ AARIM-HERIOT, Najia, “Chinese immigrants, African Americans, and racial anxiety in the United States, 1848-82”, p.123
^ Brownstone, p.68–74; McCunn, p.39
^ The Economist (06-19-2003). Chinese immigration. Retrieved on March 1, 2008.
^ "A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774 - 1875". The Library of Congress. http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?co ... recNum=226.
^ Echenberg, Myron (2007). Plague Ports: The Global Urban Impact of Bubonic Plague: 1894-1901. Sacramento: New York University Press. ISBN 0814722326.
^ Ching-Ching Ni. "A Chinese American immigration secret emerges from the dark days of discrimination". L.A. Times. http://www.latimes.com/news/local/la-me ... 0955.story. Retrieved 2007-09-01.
^ Chinese Texans
^ "Chinese Immigration: Legislative Harassment". Library of Congress. http://memory.loc.gov/learn/features/im ... nese5.html. Retrieved 2009-03-06.
^ Riis, Jacob. "How The Other Half Lives". The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2010, p.99.
^ Riis, p.100.
^ Sante, Luc. "Low Life: Lures and Snares of Old New York". Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2003, p.144.
^ a b Sante, p.144.
^ Sante, p.145.
^ Heap, Chad. "Slumming: Sexual and Racial Encounters in American Nightlife, 1885-1940". University of Chicago Press, 2009, p.17.
^ a b Heap, p.34.
^ Heap, p.145.
^ Sante, Luc. "Low Life: Lures and Snares of Old New York". Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2003, p.143.
^ Tsai, Shin-shan Henry. "The Chinese Experience in America". Indiana University Press, 1986, p.38.
^ a b Tsai, p.39.
^ Light, Ivan. "From Vice District to Tourist Attraction: The Moral Career of American Chinatown, 1880-1940". Pacific Historical Review, vol.43, no.3, Aug. 1974, pp.367-394.
^ Ahmad, Diane L. "The Opium Debate and Chinese Exclusion Laws in the Nineteenth Century American West". University of Nevada Press, 2007, p.3.
^ a b c d Ahmad, p.3.
^ Tsai, Shin-shan Henry. "The Chinese Experience in America". Indiana University Press, 1986, p.40.
^ Tsai, p.41.
^ Light, p.372.
^ Luibheid, Eithne. "Entry Denied: Controlling Sexuality at the Border". University of Minnesota Press, 2002, p.33.
^ Luibheid, p.34.
^ Yee, Mark Gregory. "Opium in America and the Chinese". Chinese America: History and Perspectives, Online Journal, 1997.
^ a b c d Yee
^ Burrows, Edwin G. "Gotham: A History of New York City to 1898". Oxford University Press, 1999, p.1130.
^ Ahmad, Diane L. "The Opium Debate and Chinese Exclusion Laws in the Nineteenth Century American West". University of Nevada Press, 2007, p.38.
^ Ahmad, p.47-48.
^ Ahmad, p.51.
^ The Chinese-American Experience: An Introduction
^ China's Great Migration, by Patrick Radden Keefe: "The overwhelming majority of Chinese who have emigrated to the United States over the past 20 years come from a handful of counties around Fuzhou, the capital of Fujian province."
^ Washingtonpost: A Brain Gain for China
^ US Census: Race and Hispanic or Latino: 2000 [2]; US Census: 1990 [3]; US Census: Population 1790-1990 [4]; Comparison of Asian Populations during the Exclusion Years [5]; Estimation of the US-Census for the year 2004 [6]
[edit] Further reading

Introductions and general history
Chinese Immigration and the Chinese in the United States, Records in the Regional Archives of the National Archives and Records Administration. Compiled by Waverly B. Lowell. Reference Information. Paper 99. 1996.
Jean Pfaelzer. (2007) Driven Out: The Forgotten War Against Chinese Americans. (Random House). ISBN 1400061342
Michael Teitelbaum (Author), Robert Asher (Editor). (2004) Chinese Immigrants (Immigration to the United States). ISBN 0816056870
David M. Brownstone, The Chinese-American Heritage: New York, Oxford (Facts on File), 1988, ISBN 0-8160-1627-5
Iris Chang, The Chinese in America. A Narrative History: Penguin, 2004 (Nachdruck), ISBN 0142004170
Ruthanne Lum McCunn, An Illustrated History of the Chinese in America, San Francisco (Design Enterprises) 1979, ISBN 0-932538-01-0
Him Mark Lai, Becoming Chinese American. A History of Communities and Institutions: AltaMira Press, 2004, ISBN 0759104581
Dana Ying-Hui Wu, Jeffrey Dao-Sheng Tung, Coming to America. The Chinese-American Experience, Brookfield, CT (The Millbrook Press) 1993, ISBN 1562942719
Susan Lan Cassel, The Chinese in America: A History from Gold Mountain to the New Millennium, AltaMira Press, 2002, ISBN 0759100012
Shih-Shan Henry Tsai, The Chinese Experience in America, Indiana University Press, 1986, ISBN 0253313597
Specific time periods
Lucy M Cohen, Chinese in the Post-Civil War South: A People Without History: Louisiana State University Press, 1984, ISBN 0807124575
Erika Lee, At America’s Gates: Chinese Immigration during the Exclusion Era, 1882–1943: The University of North Carolina Press, 2006, ISBN 0807854484
Xiaojian Zhao, Remaking Chinese America: Immigration, Family, and Community, 1940–1965: Rutgers University Press, 2002, ISBN 0813530113
Charles J. McClain. In Search of Equality: The Chinese Struggle against Discrimination in Nineteenth-Century America, University of California Press, 1996, ISBN 0520205146
Andrew Gyory. Closing the Gate: Race, Politics, and the Chinese Exclusion Act, The University of North Carolina Press, 1998, ISBN 0807847399
Special topics
Huping Ling, Surviving on the Gold Mountain. A History of Chinese American Women and Their Lives: State University of New York Press, 1998, ISBN 0791438643
Judy Yung, Unbound Feet: A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco University of California Press, 1995, ISBN 0520088670
Autobiographies and novels
Maxine Hong Kingston, The Woman Warrior: Memoirs of a Girlhood Among Ghosts, Vintage 1989 (Neuausgabe), ISBN 0679721886
Amy Tan, The Joy Luck Club, Putnam Adult 1989, ISBN 0399134204
Laurence Yep, Dragonwings. Golden Mountain Chronicles. 1903, (HarperTrophy) 1977, ISBN 0064400859
Teresa Le Yung Ryan, Love Made of Heart, Kensington Publishing Corporation (Neuausgabe), ISBN 0758202172
John Steinbeck's novel East of Eden (1952) set chiefly in late 19th Century California, has a sympathetic portrayal of a Chinese American, Lee, who is the servant of a local landowner. Lee tells some of the story of the immigrant Chinese, at several places in the text.
John Steinbeck, East of Eden, Penguin 2003, ISBN 0142004235
[edit] Documentaries

Becoming American. The Chinese Experience (a three-part documentary film by Bill Moyers about the history of the Chinese immigration into the USA), 2003. (Website)

[edit] External links

Chinese Historical Society of America
Chinese Historical and Cultural Project, founded in 1987 as a non-profit organization to promote and preserve Chinese American and Chinese history and culture through community outreach activities.
Chinese American History Timeline Chronology
The Chinese Experience: 1857–1892
The Chinese in America
The Chinese in California
A History of Chinese Americans in California
The History of Chinese Immigration
Chinese-American Contribution to transcontinental railroad
China's Great Migration, by Patrick Radden Keefe
Teachinghistory.org review of web resource Chinese in California, 1850-1925

-----------------------------

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_American_history

Cantonese Canadian history / 加拿大粵僑史

The first recorded visit by Cantonese people to North America can be dated to 1788, with the employment of 30-50 Chinese shipwrights at Nootka Sound in what is now British Columbia, who built the first European-type vessel in the Pacific Northwest, named the North West America.

[edit] The Gold Rush

The Chinese first appeared in large numbers in the Colony of Vancouver Island in 1858 as part of the huge migration to that colony from California during the Fraser Canyon Gold Rush in the newly-declared Mainland Colony. Although the first wave arrived in May from California, news of the rush eventually attracted many Chinese from China itself.

In the goldfields, Chinese mining techniques and knowledge turned out to be better in many ways to those of others, including hydraulic techniques, the use of "rockers", and a technique whereby blankets were used as filter for alluvial sand and then burned, with the gold melting into lumps in the fire. In the Fraser Canyon, Chinese miners stayed on long after all others had left for the Cariboo Gold Rush or other goldfields elsewhere in BC or the United States and continued both hydraulic and farming, owned the majority of land in the Fraser and Thompson Canyons for many years afterwards. At Barkerville, in the Cariboo, over half the town's population was estimated to be Chinese, and several other towns including Richfield, Stanley, Van Winkle, Quesnellemouthe (modern Quesnel), Antler, and Quesnelle Forks had significant Chinatowns (Lillooet's lasting until the 1930s) and there was no shortage of successful Chinese miners.[1][2]

[edit] Immigration for the railway

Chinese railway workers made up the labour force for construction of two one-hundred mile sections of the Canadian Pacific Railway from the Pacific to Craigellachie in the Eagle Pass in British Columbia. The railway as a whole consisted of 28 such sections, 93% of which were constructed by workers of European origin. When British Columbia agreed to join Confederation in 1871, one of the conditions was that the Dominion government build a railway linking B.C. with eastern Canada within 10 years. British Columbia politicians and their electorate agitated for an immigration program from the British Isles to provide this railway labour, but Canada's first Prime Minister, Sir John A. Macdonald, betraying the wishes of his constituency, Victoria, by insisting the project cut costs by employing Chinese to build the railway, and summarized the situation this way to Parliament in 1882: "It is simply a question of alternatives: either you must have this labour or you can't have the railway."[3] (British Columbia politicians had wanted a settlement-immigration plan for workers from the British Isles, but Canadian politicians and investors said it would be too expensive).

In 1880, Andrew Onderdonk, an American who was one of the Canadian Pacific Railway construction contractors in British Columbia, originally enlisted Chinese labourers from California. When most of these deserted the railway workings for the goldfields, signed several agreements with Chinese contractors in China's Guangdong province, Taiwan and also via Chinese companies in Victoria. Through those contracts more than 5000 labourers were sent as "guest workers" from China by ship. Onderdonk also recruited over 7000 Chinese railway workers from California. These two groups of workers were the main force for the building of Onderdonk's seven per cent of the railway's mileage. As was the case with non-Chinese workers, some of them fell ill during construction or died while planting explosives or in other construction accidents, but many deserted the rail workings for the province's various goldfields. By the end of 1881, the first group of Chinese labourers, which was previously numbered at 5000, had less than 1500 remaining as a large number had deserted for the goldfields away from the rail line Onderdonk needed more workers, so he directly contracted Chinese businessmen in Victoria, California and China to send many more workers to Canada.

Onderdonk engaged these Chinese labour contractors who engaged Chinese workers willing to accept only $1 a day while white, black and native workers were paid three times that amount. Chinese railway workers were hired for 200 miles of the Canadian Pacific Railway considered to be among the more difficult segments of the projected railway, notably the area that goes through the Fraser Canyon. As with railway workers on other parts of the line in the Prairies and northern Ontario, most of the Chinese workers lived in tents. These canvas tents were often unsafe, and did not provide adequate protection against falling rocks or severe weather in areas of steep terrain. Such tents were typical of working-class accommodations on the frontier for all immigrant workers although (non-Chinese) foremen, shift bosses and trained railwaymen recruited from the UK were housed in sleeping cars and railway-built houses in Yale and the other railway towns. Chinese railway workers also established transient Chinatowns along the rail line, with housing at the largest consisting of log-houses half dug into the ground, which was a common housing style for natives as well as other frontier settlers, because of the insulating effect of the ground in an area of extreme temperatures.

[edit] Chinese in Canada after the completion of the CPR

After the Canadian Pacific Railway was completed, many Chinese were left with no work and no longer seen as useful to both the CPR and the Canadian government. The government of Canada passed The Chinese Immigration Act, 1885 levying a "Head Tax" of $50 on any Chinese coming to Canada. After the 1885 legislation failed to deter Chinese immigration to Canada, the government of Canada passed The Chinese Immigration Act, 1900 to increase the tax to $100, and The Chinese Immigration Act, 1903 further increased the landing fees to $500, equivalent to $8000 in 2003.[4] - as compared to the Right of Landing Fee, or Right of Permanent Residence Fee, of merely $975 per person paid by new immigrants in 1995–2005, and further reduced to $490 in 2006.[5]

The Chinese Immigration Act, 1923, better known as the Chinese Exclusion Act, replaced prohibitive fees with an outright ban on Chinese immigration to Canada with the exceptions of merchants, diplomats, students, and "special circumstances" cases. The Chinese that entered Canada before 1923 had to register with the local authorities and could leave Canada only for two years or less. Since the Exclusion Act went into effect on July 1, 1923, Chinese at the time referred to Dominion Day as "Humiliation Day" and refused to celebrate Dominion Day until after the act was repealed in 1947.[citation needed]

From the completion of the CPR to the end of the Exclusion Era (1923–1947), Chinese in Canada lived in mainly a "bachelor's of the backpack society" since most Chinese families could not pay the expensive head tax to send their daughters to Canada. As with many other groups of immigrants, Chinese initially found it hard to adjust and assimilate into life in Canada. As a result, they formed ethnic enclaves known as "Chinatowns" where they could live alongside fellow Chinese immigrants.[6] Chinese settlers began moving eastward after the completion of the CPR,[citation needed] although Chinese numbers in BC continued to grow and, until the 1960s, there were no significant populations of Chinese in any other province. With legislation banning Chinese from many professions[citation needed], Chinese entered professions that non-Chinese Canadians did not want to do[citation needed] like laundry shops or salmon processing.[citation needed] These Chinese opened grocery stores and restaurants that served the whole population, not just Chinese, and Chinese cooks became the mainstay in the restaurant and hotel industries as well as in private service. Chinese success at market gardening led to a continuing prominent role in the produce industry in British Columbia. After the railway was finished, their families could come to Canada. They could become Canadian citizens. Even though they became citizens of Canada, they have faced discrimination.

Chinese merchants formed the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, with the first branch in Victoria in 1885 and the second one in Vancouver in 1895. The Association was mandatory for all Chinese in the area to join[citation needed] and it did everything from representing members in legal disputes to sending the remains of a members who died back to their ancestral homelands in China. After legislation in 1896 that stripped Chinese of voting rights in municipal elections in B.C., the Chinese in B.C. became completely disenfranchised. The electors list in federal elections came from the provincial electors list, and the provincial ones came from the municipal one.[citation needed][7]

After Canada entered World War II on September 10, 1939, Chinese communities greatly contributed to Canada's war effort, mainly in an attempt to persuade Canada to intervene against Japan in the Second Sino-Japanese War, which had started in 1937 (although Canada did not declare war on Japan until the attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941). The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association requested its members to purchase Canadian and Chinese war bonds and to boycott Japanese goods. Also, many Chinese enlisted in the Canadian forces. But Ottawa and the B.C. government were unwilling to send Chinese-Canadian recruits into action, since they did not want Chinese to ask for enfranchisement after the war. However, with 90,000 British troops captured in the Battles of Malaya and Singapore in February 1942, Ottawa decided to send Chinese-Canadian forces in as spies to train the local guerrillas to resist the Japanese Imperial Forces in 1944. However, these spies were little more than a token gesture, as the outcome of World War II had been more or less decided by that time.

[edit] Strife during the post-war period

The experiences of the Holocaust made racial discrimination unacceptable in Canada, at least from the government policy standpoint.[citation needed] Also, with the war aim of defeating Nazism in terms of discrimination, Canada's racial legislation made it look hypocritical. Moreover, with Chinese Canadian contributions in World War II, and also because the anti-Chinese legislation violated the UN Charter, the government of Canada repealed the Chinese Exclusion Act and gave Chinese Canadians full citizenship rights in 1947. However, Chinese immigration was limited only to the spouse of a Chinese who had Canadian citizenship and his dependants. However, after the founding of the People's Republic of China in October 1949 and its support for the communist North in the Korean War, Chinese in Canada faced another wave of resentment, as Chinese were viewed as communist agents from the PRC.

In 1959, the Department of Immigration discovered a problem with immigration papers used by Chinese immigrants to enter Canada; the Royal Canadian Mounted Police were brought in to investigate. It turned out that some Chinese had been entering Canada by purchasing real or fake birth certificates of Chinese Canadian children bought and sold in Hong Kong. These children carrying false identity papers were referred to as "paper sons". In response, the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration, Ellen Fairclough, announced a program called the "'Chinese Adjustment Statement Program" on June 9, 1960. The program granted amnesty for paper sons or daughters if they confessed to the government. As a result about 12,000 paper sons came forward, until the amnesty period ended in October 1973.

Independent Chinese immigration in Canada came after Canada eliminated race and the "place of origin" section from its immigration policy in 1967. From 1947 to the early 1970s, Chinese immigrants to Canada came mostly from Hong Kong, Taiwan(which is unlikely due to the 38 years of martial law, visiting another country would be hard not to mention to settle down elsewhere), or Southeast Asia. Chinese from the mainland who were eligible in the family reunification program had to visit the Canadian High Commission in Hong Kong, since Canada and the PRC did not have diplomatic relations until 1970. Institutional racism was allegedly completely eliminated in 1971 with the implementation of the policy of multiculturalism. After the implementation of the policy, Chinese Canadians finally felt that they were no longer institutionally discriminated in the mainstream of Canadian society.

The 1980s also saw movement of Chinese in Canada from the ethnic enclaves of Chinatowns to outlying suburbs of major Canadian cities. This movement was seen by some as changing the fabric of some communities with the establishment of new ethnic enclaves, commercial areas and use of Chinese language signage. The deputy mayor of Markham, Ontario Carole Bell expressed that the overwhelming Chinese presence in the city was causing other residents to move out of Markham. Also, the local communities in Toronto and Vancouver have accused the Chinese immigrants for hyperinflating property prices during the 1980s.

The incident involving a W-FIVE feature report in September 1979 was a turning point for Chinese in Canada in that it united the Chinese communities nationwide to fight anti-Chinese sentiments. The feature report stated that foreign Chinese were taking away Canadian citizens' opportunities for university educations. It suggested there were 100,000 students and featured a girl complaining that her high marks had not allowed her into the University of Toronto's pharmacy program because seats had been taken up by foreign students.[8] The data used in the report, however, proved inaccurate. The Canadian Bureau for International Education revealed that there were only 55,000 foreign students in Canada at all levels of education, and only 20,000 full-time foreign university students.[8] Historian Anthony B. Chan devoted an entire chapter of his 1983 book "Gold Mountain" to the incident, and found that contrary to the claims of the prospective pharmacy student, there were no foreign students in Toronto's program that year.[8] Chan emphasized the anger that the Chinese-Canadian community had about the images of anonymous Chinese people in the feature was because they felt the "implication was that all students of Chinese origin were foreigners, and that Canadian taxpayers were subsidizing Chinese students — regardless of citizenship."[8] Chinese communities nationwide staged protests against Canadian Television (CTV), the network that airs W5.[8] Initially, CTV would only offer a "statement of regret" but the protests continued until an apology was made in 1980. Network executive Murray Chercover acknowledged the inaccuracy of a great deal of the program's information and added: "We sincerely apologize for the fact Chinese-Canadians were depicted as foreigners, and for whatever distress this stereotyping may have caused them in the context of our multicultural society."[8] The protesters met in Toronto in 1980 and agreed to form the Chinese Canadian National Council to better represent Chinese Canadians on a national level.

During the mid-1980s and early 1990s, Canada's recession and growth of the Chinese economy resulted in a shift in Chinese migration in Canada. Attracted by the employment opportunities back home, newer Chinese immigrants began to return home, but retain their Canadian citizenship (and benefits).

This mindset created the phenomenon of astronaut families. In an astronaut family, the husband, being the money-earner, would only visit Canada once or twice a year, usually during December or the summer months, but his family would live in Vancouver, Toronto or elsewhere. Often teenage children were left with a house and bank account for months, while the parents worked in Hong Kong., This resulted in various social problems in schools, including a worry by police that such children were more likely to be drawn into gangs due to the lack of parental supervision.

[edit] Immigration in the 21st Century

With the political uncertainties as Hong Kong headed towards 1997, many residents of Hong Kong chose to emigrate to Canada. It was easy for them to enter Canada due to their Commonwealth of Nations connections. According to statistics compiled by the Canadian Consulate in Hong Kong, from 1991 to 1996, "about 30,000 Hong Kongers emigrated annually to Canada, comprising over half of all Hong Kong emigration and about 20 percent of the total number of immigrants to Canada." The great majority of these people settled in the Toronto and Vancouver areas, as there are well-established Chinese communities in those cities. After the Handover, there was a sharp decline in immigration numbers, possibly indicating a smooth transition towards political stability (also people who intended to leave would plan to do so before 1997). In the years to come, the unemployment and underemployment of many Hong Kong immigrants in Canada prompted a stream of returning migrants.[citation needed]

Today, mainland China has taken over from Hong Kong and Taiwan as the largest source of Chinese immigration. The PRC has also taken over from all countries and regions as the country sending the most immigrants to Canada. According to the 2002 statistics from the Citizenship and Immigration Canada, the PRC has supplied the biggest number of Canadian immigrants since 2000, averaging well over 30,000 immigrants per year, totalling an average of 15% of all immigrants to Canada. This trend shows no sign of slowing down, with an all-time high of more than 40,000 reached in 2005.[9]

Also, many Chinese-Canadians are becoming more involved in politics, both provincially and federally. Those Chinese candidates, however, are running in districts where significant Chinese populations exist. However, it marked a sharp contrast from the past where Chinese was a group traditionally uninterested, if not discouraged, in getting involved in politics.[citation needed] In federal politics, Raymond Chan became the first ethnic Chinese to be appointed into the cabinet in 1993, after winning the riding of Richmond in the 1993 federal election. Many Chinese-Canadians have run for office in subsequent federal elections. After two failed attempts, New Democratic Party candidate Olivia Chow (wife of NDP leader Jack Layton), was elected in the 2006 federal election, representing the riding of Trinity—Spadina, and the Bloc Québécois had an ethnic Chinese candidate, May Chiu, running in the riding of LaSalle—Émard against Liberal Party leader Paul Martin during the 2006 election. Ida Chong was a Saanich municipal councilor in the Victoria BC region, before becoming a BC provincial cabinet minister in Premier Gordon Campbell's BC Liberal Party administration. Alan Lowe became the first Chinese-Canadian Mayor of Victoria BC.

In addition, the Chinese community also sought redress for past injustices done against them. Since the early 1980s, there has been a campaign to redress the Head Tax paid by Chinese entering Canada from 1885 to 1923, led by the CCNC. However, the movement did not gather enough support to be noticed by the government until the 1990s. However, the government has largely been resistant to the calls of apologizing and refunding the head tax to the payers or their descendants. Canadian courts also ruled that the government had no legal obligation to redress the head tax, but it had a moral obligation to do so. The Liberal governments of the 1990s have adopted the position of "no apology, no compensation" as the basis of negotiating with the Chinese groups. The Liberals have been criticized for stonewalling the Chinese community.[citation needed]

But as the nature of parliament headed towards a minority situation, all political parties needed votes from all sectors of the Canadian electorates. During the 2004 federal election campaign, NDP leader Jack Layton pledge to issue an apology and compensation for the head tax.

After the 2006 election, the newly elected Conservative Party indicated in its Throne Speech that it would provide a formal apology and appropriate redress to families affected by racist policies of the past. It concluded a series of National Consultations across Canada, April 21–30, 2006, in Halifax, Vancouver, Toronto, Edmonton, Montreal and Winnipeg.

Members of Canada's Liberal Party, who lost the 2006 Election (as the outgoing government) have attempted to change their positions, and have been accused of "flip-flopping" on the issue during the election campaign as well as being questioned about their sincerity. Many Chinese, particularly the surviving head tax payers and their descendants have criticized Raymond Chan, the Chinese-Canadian cabinet minister who was left in charge of settling the matter, for compromising the Chinese community in favour of the government. Recent published articles, in fact, indicate that he deliberately misled the public regarding a number of facts and issues.

On June 22, 2006, Prime Minister Stephen Harper delivered a message of redress in the House of Commons, offering an apology in Cantonese and compensation for the head tax once paid by Chinese immigrants. Survivors or their spouses will be paid approximately $20,000 CAD in compensation. Although their children will not be offered this payment, Chinese Canadian leaders like Dr. Joseph Wong regarded it as an important and significant move in Chinese Canadian history. There are about 20 people who paid the tax still alive in 2006.[10][11][12]

[edit] Footnotes


This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding reliable references. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (July 2008)
^ Mark S. Wade, The Cariboo Road, publ. The Haunted Bookshop, Victoria BC, 1979, 239pp. ASIN: B0000EEN1W
^ Robin Skelton, They Call It Cariboo, Sono Nis Press (December 1980), 237pp. ISBN 0919462847, ISBN 978-0919462847.
^ Pierre Berton, The Last Spike, Penguin, ISBN 0-14-011763-6, pp249-250
^ Inflation data (Consumer Price Index) since 1914 provided by Statistics Canada can be found e.g. at the Bank of Canada inflation calculator
^ CIC Fee Schedule, accessed 2006-12-02 Archived August 22, 2006 at the Wayback Machine.
^ CBC television reporter, Eve Savory: "The National Magazine", June 27, 1997
^ http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/gene ... 002-e.html
^ a b c d e f "Protesting racism on TV". CBC Archives. http://archives.cbc.ca/society/racism/topics/1433-9248/. Retrieved 2008-07-31.
^ http://www.cic.gc.ca/english/pub/facts2 ... nt/12.html
^ [1]
^ [2] [
^ [3] (19 to 34 seconds)
[edit] Further reading

Anthony B. Chan. The Chinese in the New World Vancouver, BC: New Star, 1983.
Stephanie D. Bangarth. "'We are not asking you to open the gates for Chinese immigration': The Committee for the Repeal of the Chinese Immigration Act and Early Human Rights Activism in Canada." Canadian Historical Review 84, 3 (September 2003): 395-442.
Peter S. Li. Chinese in Canada (Second Edition). Toronto, ON: Oxford University Press, 1998.
Peter S. Li. "Chinese." Encyclopedia of Canada's Peoples. Toronto: Multicultural History Society of Ontario, 1999.
Janet Lum. "Recognition and the Toronto Chinese Community" in Reluctant Adversaries: Canada and the People's Republic of China, 1949-1970. Edited by Paul M. Evans and B. Michael Frolic, 217-239. Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press, 1991. (It is a discussion on the Toronto Chinese's view on Canada recognizing the PRC in 1969-1970).
James Morton. In the Sea of Sterile Mountains: The Chinese in British Columbia. Vancouver, BC: J.J. Douglas, 1974. (A thorough discussion of Chinese immigration and life in BC, railway politics and a detailed profile of the political agendas and personalities of the time)
Patricia Roy. "A white man's province : British Columbia politicians and Chinese and Japanese immigrants, 1858-1914" Vancouver : UBC Press, 1989.
Patricia Roy. "The Oriental question : Consolidating a white man's province, 1914-41" Vancouver : UBC Press, 2003.
Lloyd Sciban. Important Events in the History of the Chinese in Canada.
Wing Chung Ng. "The Chinese in Vancouver, 1945-80: The Pursuit of Identity and Power." Vancouver: UBC Press, 1999.
British Columbia from the earliest times to the present, Vol 2, Chapter XXXII - Chinese and Japanese Immigration, E.O.S. Scholefield & Frederic William Howay, S.J. Clarke Pub. Co., Vancouver, British Columbia, 1914
[edit] See also

Immigration to Canada
Chinese Canadian
Chinese Immigration Act, 1923
Asiatic Exclusion League
[edit] External links

Chinese Canadian National Council
Historica’s Heritage Minute video docudrama “Nitro.” (Adobe Flash Player.)
[edit] Library resources

Chinese Canadian Genealogy at the Vancouver Public Library
Chinese-Canadians: Profiles from a Community - Vancouver Public Library wiki
Historic Chinese Language Materials in British Columbia, Asian Library and the Centre for Chinese Research, University of British Columbia, Vancouver
Multicultural Canada website - includes eight full-text searchable Chinese newspapers from B.C. and Ontario, publications relating to immigration, photographs, and the records of Victoria's Chinese Benevolent Association and the Cheekungtong (Chinese Freemasons) of Victoria and Vancouver
The Early Chinese Canadians 1858-1947, Library and Archives Canada

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http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of ... _to_Canada