Cantonese in CentralAmerica & SouthAmerica / 中南美粵僑


Cantonese Peruvian

Total population
1.6 million
3-4% of the Peruvian population [1][1]
Regions with significant populations
Lima, Huacho, Moyobamba, Tarapoto
Languages
Spanish, Hakka Chinese, Cantonese, Mandarin, others

Religion
Christianity, Buddhism, Chinese religions

Related ethnic groups
Asian Latin American, Japanese Peruvian

Chinese Peruvian
Traditional Chinese 秘魯華僑華人
Simplified Chinese 秘鲁华侨华人
[show]Transcriptions
Tusán
Chinese 土生
Literal meaning Local-born

Cantonese Peruvians, also known as tusán (a loanword from Chinese 土生 pinyin: tǔ shēng, jyutping: tou2 saang1 "local born"), are people of Overseas Chinese ancestry born in Peru, or who have made Peru their adopted homeland.

Most Chinese Peruvians are multilingual. In addition to Spanish or Quechua, many of them speak one or more Chinese dialects that may include Cantonese, Hakka, Mandarin, and Minnan. Since the first Chinese immigrants came from Macau, some of them also speak Portuguese. In Peru, Asian Peruvians are estimated at least 5% of the population.[1]

[edit] History

[edit] Early history

See also: María Luz Incident
Chinese immigrants in the 19th century, who took a four-month trip from Macau (then a Portuguese territory), settled Peru as contract laborers or "coolies". Other Chinese coolies from Guangdong followed. One hundred thousand Chinese contract laborers, mostly cantonese and almost all male, were sent mostly to the sugar plantations from 1849 to 1874, for the termination of slavery and continuous labor for the coastal guano mines and especially for the coastal plantations where they became a major labor force until the end of the century. While the coolies were believed to be reduced to virtual slaves, they also represented a historical transition from slave to free labor.

Many Chinese saw the Chilean liberation as an opportunity to avenge years of abuse from the plantation owners; in Pacasmayo 600 to 800 Chinese forced labourers looted the sugar estates and this scene was repeated in the Chicama, Lambayeque and Cañete Valleys. The Chinese also fought alongside the Chileans in the battles of San Juan-Chorrillis and Miraflores, and there was also rioting and looting by non-Chinese workers in the coastal cities. As Heraclio Bonilla has observed; oligarchs soon came to fear the popular clashes more than the Chileans, and this was an important reason why they sued for peace. [Source: "From chattel slaves to wage slaves: dynamics of labour bargaining in the Americas", by Mary Turner.]

Another group of Chinese settlers came after the founding of Sun Yat-sen's republic in 1912, World War II, and the establishment of Communist rule in 1949.

[edit] Modern-day immigration

Recent Chinese immigrants settled in Peru from Hong Kong and, again, Macau because of fear of their return to Communist rule in 1997 and 1999, while others have come from other places in mainland China, Taiwan, and Southeast Asian Chinese communities, including Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, and the Philippines. Many Chinese Indonesians and Chinese Malaysians came to Peru after anti-Chinese riots and massacres in those countries the 1960s, 1970s, and late 1990s. These recent Chinese immigrants make Peru the home of the largest ethnic Chinese community in Latin America.

[edit] Emigration

Many Chinese Peruvians left Peru in the 1960s and 1970s. Most of them headed to the United States, where they were called Chinese Americans or Peruvian Americans of Chinese descent, while others went to Canada, Spain, mainland China, Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan, Australia, or New Zealand.

[edit] Role in the economy

After their contracts ended, many of them adopted the last name of their patrons (one of the reasons that many Chinese Peruvians carry Spanish last names). Some freed coolies (and later immigrants) established many small businesses. These included chifas (Chinese-Peruvian restaurants - the word is derived from chī fàn, or "eat meal" in Mandarin). Calle Capón, Lima's Chinatown, also known as Barrio Chino de Lima, became one of the Western Hemisphere's earliest Chinatowns. The Chinese coolies married Peruvian women, and many Chinese Peruvians today are of mixed Chinese, Spanish, and African or Native American descent. Chinese Peruvians also assisted in the building of railroad and development of the Amazon Rainforest, where they tapped rubber trees, washed gold, cultivated rice, and traded with the Indians. They even became the largest foreign colony in the Amazon capital of Iquitos by the end of the century.

[edit] Prominent Chinese Peruvians

Alfredo Raul Chang Ruiz, Current director of the oldest and still active magazine of Peru called "Revista Oriental",[2] a magazine with the theme of links of Peruvian and Asian communities
Eugenio Chang Rodríguez, writer, linguist, university professor (Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos/City University of New York)
Juan Pablo Chang Navarro-Lévano (1930–1967) communist student leader and guerrilla, died alongside Che Guevara
Rosa Fung Pineda, archaeologist
José Antonio Chang, former Prime Minister of Peru
Efraín Wong, Operations Manager of the Corporación Wong and founder of Las Falcas distillery.[3]
Erasmo Wong, founder and former owner of the Wong supermarket chain
Patty Wong, TV host
Walter Wong, anthropologist, late Ayacucho Regional Director of the Instituto Nacional de Cultura[4]
Annie Yep TV Host, Journalist
Pedro S. Zulen (1889–1925), philosopher, university professor (Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos), poet, writer Pedro Zulen[5]
Edwin Vasquez Cam, Olympic gold medal Free Pistol (1948)
Siu Kam Wen (1951-) Novelist
Isabel Wong-Vargas, businesswoman, owner of La Caleta restaurant in Lima, received various gastronomic awards including the Best Seafood restaurant in Lima[6][7]
[edit] See also

Asian Latin American
Chinatowns in Latin America
History of Peru
Japanese Peruvian
Overseas Chinese
[edit] References

^ a b Peru (10/08), U.S. Department of State
^ Es.wikipedia.org
^ Estirpeperuana.com, Las Falcas distillery homepage
^ PeruCultural.org.pe
^ UNMSM.edu.pe
^ Business, Family, and Personal Philanthropy in Peru, China, and the United States
^ The San Francisco Chronicle: Obituary - VARGAS, Isabel
[edit] Further reading

De Trazegnies Granda, Fernando (1994), En el país de las colinas de arena: reflexiones sobre la inmigración china en el Perú del S. XIX desde la perspectiva del derecho, Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, ISBN 9788489309821, OCLC 31349975
Translated into Chinese as 竹碧 [Zhu Bi]; 腊梅 [La Mei] (1999), 《沙国之梦：契约华工在秘鲁的命运》, 世界知识出版社 [World Affairs Press], ISBN 9787501211821, OCLC 237047875
López-Calvo, Ignacio (Spring 2008), Hu-deHart, Evelyn; López, Kathy, eds., "Sino-Peruvian identity and community as prison: Siu Kam Wen’s rendering of self-exploitation and other survival strategies", Afro-Hispanic Review 27 (1): 73–90, http://ignaciolopezcalvo.blogspot.com/2 ... ty-as.html
[edit] External links

APCH.com, Asociación Peruano China (Web official)

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http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_in_Peru

Cantonese immigration to Mexico


The history of Cantonese immigration to Mexico spans the decades between the 1880s and the 1980s. Between the years 1880 and 1910, during the term of President Porfirio Díaz, the Mexican government was trying to modernize the country, especially in building railroads and developing the sparsely populated northern states. When the government could not attract enough European immigrants, it was decided to allow Chinese migrant workers into the country.[1] At first, small Chinese communities appeared mostly in the north of the country, but by the early 20th century, Chinese communities could be found in many parts of the country, including the capital of Mexico City.[2] By 1930, the number of Chinese in the country was about 18,000. However, strong anti-Chinese sentiment, especially in Sonora and Sinaloa led to deportations and illegal expulsions of Chinese-Mexican families in the 1930s with an official count of 618 Chinese-Mexicans by 1940.[3] Soon after the first wave of expulsions, efforts began to repatriate Chinese-Mexican families which resulted in two major returns and various small groups returning between the late 1930s and the 1980s. Today, there are two principal Chinese communities in Mexico, one in Mexicali and the other in Mexico City.[4]

[edit] Immigration to Mexico

See also: Immigration to Mexico
While Argentina, Brazil, Canada and the United States received millions of immigrants in the late 19th and early 20th century, very few came to Mexico. The country had its highest percentage of foreign immigrants in 1930, but it was still less than one percent of the total population. One reason for this is that from the 1820s to the 1920s, Mexico was mired in political instability and civil war. Another reason is that it did not have the vast areas of open land that attracted farmers to places like the United States and Argentina. Despite the small numbers, those immigrants who did come had a profound effect on their host country economically. European and U.S. investors came to dominate mining, oil and cash crop agriculture. European and Chinese immigrants took over banking and wholesale commerce as well as pioneering the industrialization of Mexico.[5]

Most Europeans who came to Mexico in the 19th century were young bachelors whose aim was to make their fortune then return to their home country to marry and retire. Most of these never considered themselves more than temporary residents and never integrated into Mexican society. Many Americans came to settle Texas in the 19th century but this eventually led to its succession and then the Mexican-American War. This soured many in Mexico to the idea of mass immigration.[5]

Despite this, there was concerted effort from 1876 to 1910 to encourage European immigration to “whiten” the population as well as bring capital into the country. The push here was to populate and develop the empty northern states as well as to promote European education and customs into rural areas dominated by indigenous people. It was thought that this would modernize the country and globalize its economy. However, the government could not entice enough Europeans to settle in the desert northern states due to the climate.[1]

Most of the white Europeans and Americans who did arrive during the late 19th and early 20th century were associated with companies interested in railroads and mines. These companies brought in Chinese and other coolie labor. Asians, predominantly Chinese, became Mexico’s fastest-growing immigrant group from the 1880s to the 1920s, exploding from about 1,500 in 1895 to 20,000 in 1910. Despite being the force behind the last major wave of immigration to Mexico, Porfirio Diaz himself became leery of foreign presence. He nationalized the foreign-built railroads and signed the first restrictive immigration legislation in the last years before the Mexican Revolution.[5]

[edit] Arrival in 19th century

Very early Chinese immigration to Mexico started in the 1870s, as efforts to entice Europeans to settle in the desert north failed. One of the main reasons for this was that many Europeans could not or would not tolerate the hot arid conditions. It was then thought to bring Chinese from areas of that country with similar climates. Matías Romero pushed to allow for this early Chinese immigration as the indigenous population as considered to be weak and lazy. He argued that the Chinese were industrious, submissive to authority and would work cheaply. The proposal was accepted but to only allow Chinese men into the country as guest workers. They were not supposed to build their own communities or mix with the Mexican population. All were supposed to return to China eventually. Resistance to the entrance of Chinese began even at this time because of the obvious difference in appearance plus news of the violence directed at the Chinese in California. One of the first ships to arrive from China had 500 Chinese immigrant workers aboard with a destination of the new railroad being built in Tehuantepec. [1]

Chinese immigration was institutionalized in 1893 by the bilateral Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation, which gave the Chinese immigrants to Mexico the same legal rights as Mexican nationals. Some Chinese had arrived earlier than this, establishing small colonies in Guaymas and Ensenada, but by 1895 there were still fewer than 1,000 Chinese nationals in the country.[3] The major wave of Chinese immigration occurred between 1895 and 1910, with about seventy percent coming from the United States, which had been adopting anti-Chinese measures.[5] However, several thousand Chinese were allowed to enter the country directly from China during the Cantu regime, more than 2,000 in 1919 alone.[3] Many Chinese were also brought in from the U.S. and directly from China by U.S. companies to build railroads, work in mines and work cotton fields, despite protests by Mexican workers.[6][7] This immigration caused Chinese communities to appear in a number of places in the country, including Manzanillo, Ciudad Juárez, Salina Cruz, Mazatlán, Tampico, Veracruz and Piedras Negras,[8] concentrating in northern Mexico because of its proximity to the United States and the existence of opportunities in the developing economy.[9]

Whether directly from China or from the United States, Chinese immigrants were overwhelmingly men (98%) and between the ages of 15 and 29 according to the Registro Nacional de Extranjeros (National Foreigner Registry). These laborers could be found in cotton fields, hemp plantations, mines and other labor intensive areas from the desert north to the Yucatan.[8][10]

These immigrants soon went from laborers to merchants, starting their own small enterprises. By the time of the Mexican Revolution, a number of Chinese merchants had considerable control of segments of the economy, especially in new markets created by the railroads and mines in states such as Sonora.[7] These Chinese businesses were concentrated in and were dominant in Sonora and Baja California, but entrepreneurial opportunities brought Chinese into other places such as Nogales, Torreón and Monterrey.[11][5] By 1910, the Chinese numbered 4,486 in Sonora alone, and were by far the largest numerous foreign presence.[5] This concentration in certain towns and businesses gave the Chinese prominence despite the fact that they comprised only between one and two percent of the overall population in Sonora between 1910 and 1930. Initially, Chinese enterprises were welcomed and protected by municipal authorities because they generated revenue and provided necessary goods. While some large—scale businesses grew, most Chinese enterprises were small, selling goods in markets, in the streets and door to door.[12]

The economic success of the Chinese in Sonora and other areas of Mexico came from its role as “middleman minority.” They filled strategic niches in Mexico’s economy. Mexican society has traditionally been divided into rich and poor with no middle class. The American and other foreign entrepreneurs in the northern states constituted a high class, while the native Mexican population remained as the lower class. The Chinese, being neither, became a kind of middleman between the two classes. The Chinese’s success was also due to a strong work ethic and frugality, but it was also due to informal and reciprocal work relationships mostly restricted to the ethnic community. Established Chinese in Mexico would hire incoming Chinese, especially from China itself, as a source of cheap and loyal labor. These new immigrants would gain business knowledge and experience along with their salaries. Many Chinese social networks developed in Mexico, especially in Mexicali which also produced a kind of informal money lending in the Chinese community, called “hui.”[3]

As part of their integration into Mexican society, most Chinese adopted a Mexican first name then used their Chinese names as surnames, which was done by Chinese in many parts of Latin America.[13] Some learned Spanish and sought naturalized Mexican citizenship.[14] The Chinese of Mexicali started the Asociación China, a social organization partly devoted to obtaining Chinese wives from overseas. The group still remains to this day.[15] However, most Chinese men did marry Mexican women, but they retained most of their customs and cultural heritage.[7] Most of these marriages were to women known from business contacts with their families. In some cases, the marriages were encouraged by the Mexican woman’s family, but in other cases secret relationships developed. [14]

In Baja California, most Chinese initially migrated to Mexicali at the turn of the century and signed on as laborers for the Colorado River Land Company, an American enterprise dedicated to building developing farmland along the Colorado River and its delta. These Chinese came from the U.S. and directly from China, lured by the promise of high wages which never materialized.[15] The Americans did not directly supervise the initial clearing and irrigation work. They leased out parcels of 1,000 acres (4.0 km2) to contractors, most of whom were Chinese, who would then contract Chinese labor to create cotton farms. By 1919, there were fifty Chinese-owned cotton farms occupying nearly 75,000 acres (300 km2) producing 80% of the cotton grown in the Mexicali Valley.[3] After the initial irrigation and clearing projects, many Chinese congregated in an area of Mexicali now known as La Chinesca. By 1920, ethnic Chinese residents outnumbered Mexicans 10,000 to 700. This area boomed during the Prohibition years when Americans crossed the border to drink and gamble. Eventually, La Chinesca housed virtually all the city’s casinos, bordellos and opium dens.[15]

Another area which formed a well-defined Chinese community was Mexico City. At the turn of the century, there were only forty Chinese registered here, but by 1910, there were 1,482.[16][17] By the 1920’s, the community, centered on Dolores Street just south of the Alameda Central and Palacio de Bellas Artes,, was firmly established and growing.[8][18] One reason for this was that at the beginning of the Mexican Revolution, many Chinese in the north migrated south to here, both to flee the violence and the growing anti-Chinese sentiment. These people joined with the Chinese already living in the capital, who had businesses in which to employ the “new Chinese.”[19] The Chinese community expanded by forming new businesses in and around the historic center of the city. One common business was the “café de chinos” or Chinese cafés serving both Chinese and Mexican food. These can still be found in Mexico City today.[20] One area outside of “Barrio Chino” which became home to many Chinese business was Bucareli Street. Here a clock was built and donated by the Chinese community to commemorate the Centennial of Mexico’s Independence in 1910. The original was destroyed during the Decena tragic but it was replaced.[21]

In the 1920s, Chinese communities in Mexico, especially in Baja California, were numerous and politically powerful locally. However, they were also split into two factions, which roughly aligned with the political situation in China at the time. One was called the Chee Kung Tong (a more conservative group) and the other Partido Nacionalista China, who supported the more westerned movement of Sun Yat Sen. These two divided business territories, especially in areas such as casinos along the border and large markets. The political struggles betweent these two groups gave the Chinese a violent reputation, especially in northern Mexico.[6]

During the period from 1895 to 1926, Chinese immigration grew rapidly, with the total Chinese population reaching more than 24,000 from a little over 1,000. However, expulsion and deportation in the 1930s would shrink this population to under 5,000 throughout Mexico in 1940.[22]

[edit] Anti Chinese movement

An anti-Chinese movement emerged during the Mexican Revolution and peaked during the Depression.[9] The experience and treatment of the Chinese in Mexico was similar to what they experienced in California in the second half of the 19th century. They were initially welcomed into unpopulated areas which needed large amounts of cheap manpower. The frontier situation in both areas also allowed the Chinese to carve out economic niches for themselves. The Chinese as a whole turned out to be hardworking, frugal, mutually supportive within their communities, and often succeeding as entrepreneurs in agriculture and small commercial enterprises. In both cases, when their numbers reached a certain percentage of the local population and when they attained a certain amount of monetary success, backlashes occurred on both sides of the border.[3]

[edit] Mexican Revolution

See also: Mexican Revolution
In both Sonora and the Mexicali area, the Chinese came to dominate the merchant class, with Mexicali the undisputed center of Chinese settlement, economics and culture in northwestern Mexico by 1925. At the same time, resentment and hostility was growing toward the Chinese by the native Mexican population. Anti-Chinese sentiment had been voiced before the Mexican Revolution that began in 1910. However, it was the revolution alone with its emphasis on patriotism and nationalism that sparked anti-foreigner resentment as opposed to Diaz’s emphasis on things foreign. The Revolution culminated in multifaceted effort to “Mexicanize” the country and economy. This effort was strongest in the north. While Chinese persecution was mostly limited to the north, it had national implications, mostly due to the political clout of Revolution leaders coming out of the northern border states.[3]

During Mexican Revolution and the years after, a notion of “Mexicaness” (mexicanidad) was an important one politically and legally. Prior to the 1917 Constitution, people in Mexico were classed by race: white European, mestizo (mixed European and indigenous), indigenous and, to some extent African was acknowledged. This was a carryover from the colonial era caste system, which did not include Asians.[22] After the Revolution, the mestizo was adopted as a kind of ideal or “cosmic” Mexican race. All foreigners were reminded of their outsider status by Revolution leaders and became targets of movements to end foreign influence in the country. This was an open expression of the resentment that built up in Mexico during the Porfirio Díaz years. During the Revolution, many Europeans and Americans in the country left. However, since the Chinese were still barred from the United States, their numbers actually increased.[5]

As part of this nation-building effort, the notion of race was abolished by the time of the 1930 census. Prior census did take race into account and those of Chinese origin were so noted. However, the lack of a race category, plus the complicated laws concerning nationality blurred the line as to who was Mexican and who was not. This not only affected those who had immigrated from China, but also their Mexican wives and mixed-race children. Depending on when wives married their husbands and when children were born, among other factors, wives and children could be considered to be Chinese rather than Mexican nationals. While it cannot be proven that information taken from this census was used in the mass deportation of Chinese men and their families in the 1930s, their uncertain legal status reflected by it would give them little to no protection against deportations.[22]

[edit] Rise of anti-Chinese sentiment

Anti-Chinese propaganda in Mexico was prominent in the 1920s and 1930s and mimicked that of the United States in the 19th century. The Chinese were painted as without hygiene, and responsible for vices such as opium smoking and gambling. They were blamed for spreading diseases, degenerating the Mexican race, corrupting morals, inciting civil unrest and generally undermining Mexico’s social and political makeup. Their lack of assimilation was also attacked.[3] Another accusation was that Chinese men (and almost all Chinese immigrants in Mexico were men) had been stealing employment and Mexican women from Mexican men who had gone off to fight in the Revolution or in World War I.[23]

However, the greatest resentment was economic. The Chinese were accused of competing unfairly for jobs, especially as the formerly empty northern states began to experience a surplus of labor both due to increasing population and cutbacks in industries such as mining and petroleum. After World War I and again during the Depression, the United States repatriated Mexican workers, which added to the problem. As for Chinese businesses, these were accused of competing unfairly and for illegal lending practices and excluding Mexican labor. Sentiment arose that jobs in Mexico should be reserved for Mexican workers. Various state and federal laws were enacted to this effect in the 1920s.[3][24] This anti-Chinese sentiment spilled over onto those Mexicans who had business and social ties with the Chinese, being called “chineros” and “chineras.” Marriages between Chinese men and Mexican women were banned in the early 1920s with women married to Chinese men being labeled as “traitors” to the nation and race.[25]

[edit] Anti-Chinese movements

Overall resentment eventually grew into formal anti-Chinese movements in northern Mexico,[15] with most of the people active in these groups coming from the same social class or even the same business circles as the targeted Chinese.[26] Most of these groups were formed between 1922 and 1927, with names such as the Comité Pro-Raza and Comité Anti-Chino de Sinaloa.[6] The first of these was the Commercial Association of Businessmen in the small mining town of Magdalena de Kino. It was led by José María Arana with the purpose of “defending Mexican merchants and rid Sonora of Chinese business owners.[24] Collectively, these groups pushed for the exclusion and/or expulsion of Chinese-Mexicans. The first major convention of these groups took place in 1925 in Nogales and formed the Comité Directivo de Antichinismo Nacional. A second umbrella group, the Liga Nacional Obrera Antichina, was formed in Tamaulipas the same year. These groups, along with many in the state and federal governments, pushed laws to segregate Chinese, prohibit interracial marriage and eventually deportation. These groups were not considered to be illicit, but rather were tolerated and even accepted by state governments and even presidents such as Álvaro Obregón and Plutarco Elías Calles.[6] Eventually, the federal government itself perceived Chinese migration as a national concern and commissioned various studies to address the alleged threats.[22]

While it did not meet the same scale as what happened in the United States, hundreds of Chinese in northern Mexico were tortured and murdered in the 1920s and 1930s.[15] The most serious act occurred earlier. It was the 1911 massacre of over 300 Chinese in Torreón, Coahuila, which was carried out by a faction of Pancho Villa’s army. This army would sack Chinese homes and businesses as well. This event galvanized the anti-Chinese movement in Mexico. Francisco I. Madero offered to pay an indemnity of three million pesos to the Chinese government for the act but this never happened due to the coup by Victoriano Huerta.[6][3]

[edit] Anti-Chinese sentiment in Sonora, Baja California and Mexico City

Owing to their visible presence, Chinese had experienced prejudice since they first arrived in Sonora. Negative attitudes and jokes abounded, and some people perceived Chinese as different and foreign.[12] Anti Chinese sentiment first grew strong in Sonora and became the principal center of anti-Chinese campaigns in Mexico. The powerful political leadership of this state pushed the federal government to cancel further immigration from China in 1921, with the nullification of the Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation, with all foreign manual labor prohibited eight years later.[3][6] The Chinese consulate in Nogales was closed in 1922.[6]

The strength of Chinese numbers in Mexicali afforded a certain amount of protection and made it a refuge for Chinese fleeing persecution in other areas, especially for Chinese in Sonora and Sinaloa after 1915. However, even here health and building codes were being selectively enforced against Chinese establishments in La Chinesca as early as 1925. The formal anti-Chinese organizations moved into Baja California in the 1930s, but it never had the strength it did in Sonora. The end of the Chinese era did not come until 1937 when President Lázaro Cárdenas expropriated most foreign land holdings and forced thousands of Chinese off of more than thirty large cotton farms. These Chinese were forced to move to Mexicali or out of the country.[3]

In other areas, including Mexico City, Chinese were being forced to live in ghettos starting in the 1920s, separating them due to supposed hygiene and moral reasons.[6] Despite efforts by anti-Chinese groups such as the Unión Nacionalista Mexicana and the Campaña Pro-raza de Distrito Federal against Chinese businesses and the beginning of explusions from the country, the Chinese still managed to open business in and around the historic center of the city. They also took in Chinese fleeing from other parts of the country. [19]

[edit] Deportations and expulsions

Early deportations of Chinese-Mexican leaders were authorized by Alvaro Obregon due to the violence between the Chinese factions in Mexicali in the 1920s.[6] However, mass deportations did not occur until the 1930s, when nearly 70% of the country Chinese and Chinese-Mexican population was deported or otherwise expelled out of the country. [19]

Mass expulsions were mostly carried out in Sonora and Sinaloa in part because of their large populations, but Chinese were deported from all over the country. Some were deported directly to China but many others were forced to enter the United States through the border with Sonora, even though Chinese exclusion laws were still in effect there.[9] In a number of cases, Chinese were being deported without having time to sell or otherwise settle their possessions in Mexico.[6]The governor of Sonora Francisco S. Elias had judges removed if they issued “amparo” or protection orders in favor of Chinese being deported.[6] The following governor, Rodolfo Elias Calles, was responsible for the expulsion of most Chinese-Mexican families into U.S. territories. Despite the diplomatic problems this caused, Elias Calles did not stop expelling these families until he himself was expelled from Sonora. However, by that time almost all of Sonora’s Chinese-Mexicans had disappeared.[27] By the 1940 census, only 92 Chinese were still living in Sonora, with more than two-thirds of these having acquired Mexican citizenship. This had the unintended consequence of nearly collapsing the Sonoran economy.[22] The governor of Baja California, Abelardo L. Rodriguez would also actively participate in the deportation of Chinese in his state. The legal rationale was the violence associated with the two Chinese mafia but those not connected were being deported as well.[22] The state of Sinaloa reduced its Chinese population from 2,123 to 165 in the same time period.[28]

Many in the northern border states moved to other areas of Mexico in order to avoid being expelled from the country.[22] Some fled to the states of Baja California or Chihuahua, where anti-Chinese movements were not as strong.[29] Another place that many Chinese fled to was Mexico City. [17] However, entire Chinese-Mexican families were escorted to the Sonoran border with the United States and dumped into Arizona,[22] by being pushed through gaps in the border fence.[9] This strained relations between Mexico and the United States.[6] The U.S. held most of these families in immigration jails in the Southwest, then deported them to China.[9] By 1934, the U.S. presented complaints from over 3,000 Chinese-Mexicans on foreign soil. In the end, Mexico paid only a fraction of the costs demanded from it by the U.S. government for deportations of these people to China.[30]

[edit] Mexican-Chinese community in Guangdong and Macau

Face with persecution and mass deportations, many voluntarily left Mexico for China. [31]Those who left involuntarily were mostly those rounded up as entire families and either sent directly to China or forced to cross the border illegally into the United States. This included Mexican women married to Chinese men and their mixed-race children.[32] After arriving in China, most Chinese-Mexican families settled in Guangdong Province and Portuguese Macau, developing Chinese-Mexican enclaves.[31] Macau was attractive for these refugees because it had a cosmopolitan atmosphere more accepting of mixed race unions and its Portuguese influence gave it a familiar Latin cultural aspect. It was also home to many different types of refugees in the early 20th century as its population doubled to 150,000 people. The Catholic Church in Macau became crucial to this community as a place to meet, meet others, make connections back to Mexico, spiritual and economic support.[33]

Most in the community never accepted their expulsion from Mexico and would struggle for years for the right to return to Mexico. These people’s identity as “Mexican” became more salient as they experienced the hardships of China in the 20th century, living through the Japanese invasion of World War II, the Second Sino-Japanese War, the Communist Revolution and the Cold War.[31][34] For the Mexican women, life was especially difficult as gender norms in China were very different than in Mexico. Some of their husbands already had wives in China and they found themselves relegated to second wife or concubine status. This would often lead to break up with Mexican-Chinese children divided between households.[35]

The size of the Mexican-Chinese community in Macau and Guangdong fluctuated over the 20th century as some moved to other places in China and others managed to return to Mexico. The community became spread out in this region and moved around.[36] By the late 1950s, the community was well-enough known in this part of China that the phrase “being like a Mexican” came to mean someone who is poor and stateless.[37]

[edit] Repatriation

While in China, Chinese-Mexicans campaigned to be allowed to return to Mexico from the 1930s to the 1960s.[31] Renouncing and or disregarding their Chinese heritage was part of this, especially in the Cold War era.[38]One reason Chinese-Mexican families were pushed to do this was the problems they faced in China which included economic hardships, alienation from Chinese culture and the upheavals that occurred in that country made Mexico a far more desirable place to live. To press their case, Chinese-Mexican related their mixed race status to the concept of “mestizaje” the Mexican nation’s notion that its identity is based on the blending of races and cultures.[31]

From the early 1930s to at least the 1980s, smaller groups to Mexico.[31] The first major success was when Lázaro Cárdenas permitted the return of at least 400 Mexican women and many more Mexican Chinese children in 1937 and 1938. However, their Chinese husbands and fathers were not permitted to return.[39]

In the late 1950s, the Lions Club in Mexico became involved in the campaign to repatriate Chinese-Mexicans. This organization has been traditionally identified with middle-class professionals, businessmen and others who had supported the expulsion of the Chinese a generation earlier. However, these same groups, were now also anti-Communist, and so this aspect of the effort was to liberate Mexicans from a communist government. Branches of this organization in the northern states wrote letters to the federal government pressuring them to document and repatriate these Mexican nationals in China.[40] This led to the second major repatriation under President Adolfo López Mateos in 1960.[41] Although there was still resistance to the return of Chinese-Mexican, especially in Sonora, the work of the Lions Club and others was able to overcome this.[42]

[edit] Chinese-Mexicans today

There are two major Chinese communities or “Chinatowns” in Mexico today: La Chinesca in Mexicali and Barrio Chino in Mexico City.

[edit] Mexicali

Mexicali’s Chinese community or “La Chinesca” may be the larger Chinatown in Mexico with a population about 5,000 people. Part of the reason for this is that many repatriated Chinese came here as well as refugees from the defeated Nationalist China. However, since the mid 20th century, there have been few new Chinese entering the city and many Mexicans have moved here, diluting the Chinese population which was already heavily mixed.[15] There are about 10,000 full-blooded Chinese, down from 35,000 in the 1920s. [43] Marriage of these people to full-blooded Mexicans is diluting the community further. Nowadays, there are about there are 50,000 residents more than thought who are of Chinese descent.[44] Chinese Mexicans in Mexicali consider themselves equally “cachanilla,” a term used for locals, as any other resident of the city, even if they speak Cantonese in addition to Spanish.[15] However, Chinese-Mexicans still stand out here as owners of retail establishments, service industries and real estate concerns.[3]

Mexicali still has more Chinese, mostly Cantonese, restaurants per capita than any other city in Mexico, with over a thousand in the city. However, this cuisine has modified over the years to local tastes. Most dishes here are served with a small bowl of a condiment much like steak sauce, which is an addition from northern Mexican cuisine. Chinese dishes are also supplemented with tortillas, seasoned rice and barbecued meats.[15]

La Chinesca still survives as the center of Chinese-Mexican identity and culture. Local Chinese associations work to preserve the Chinese language and culture through classes in Cantonese, calligraphy and the sponsorship of Chinese festivals.[15] However, few live in this area of town anymore, as it has deteriorated along with the rest of the historic center. Most of those with Chinese heritage live in the south and west of the city, along with the rest of the population. Attempts to revitalize La Chinesca and make it an attraction for tourists have not been successful.[3]

[edit] Mexico City

Mexico City’s Chinese community or “Barrio Chino” may be the smallest Chinatown in the world.[45] Barrio Chino today is only two blocks along Dolores Street and extends only one block east and west of the street, with only seven restaurants and a few import businesses as of 2003.[21] The buildings in Barrio Chino are no different from the rest of the city, but businesses here are either restaurants or importers. Most of the shops and restaurants here had abundant Chinese-style decorations and altars, but statues of the Virgin of Guadalupe and San Judas Tadeo (a popular saint in Mexico) can be seen as well.[46]

Other than the expulsion of the Chinese in the 1930’s, another reason for the small size of this Chinatown is that the Chinese-Mexican population of Mexico City has mixed with the native population and is spread out in the city.[47] According to the government of Mexico City, about 3,000 families in the city have Chinese heritage.[48] In many parts of the older sections of the city, there are “cafes de chinos” (Chinese cafes), which are eateries that serve Chinese and Mexican food.[47]

However, Barrio Chino remains the symbolic home for many of these Chinese-Mexicans, who congregate there for camaraderie and to pass on their culture.[47] The Comunidad China de México, A.C., established in 1980, sponsors Chinese festivals, classes and other activities to preserve and promote Chinese-Mexican culture. The largest annual event by far is the Chinese New Year’s celebration, which not only attracts thousands of visitors from the rest of the city, it also has major sponsors such as the Cuauhtemoc borough and Coca Cola.[46]

[edit] Further reading

Romero, Robert Chao. The Chinese in Mexico, 1882-1940 (University of Arizona Press; 2010) 254 pages; Studies Mexico as an alternative destination for Chinese immigrants after the United States passed the Exclusion Act of 1882.
[edit] References

^ a b c Campos Rico, Ivonne Virgina (2003) (in Spanish). La Formación de la Comunidad China en México: políticas, migración, antichinismo y relaciones socioculturales (thesis). Mexico City: Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH-SEP). pp. 68–70.
^ Campos Rico, Ivonne Virgina (2003) (in Spanish). La Formación de la Comunidad China en México: políticas, migración, antichinismo y relaciones socioculturales (thesis). Mexico City: Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH-SEP). pp. 76–78.
^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Curtis, James R. (July 1995). "Mexicali's Chinatown". Geographical Review (New York) 85 (3): 335–349.
^ Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 547–565.
^ a b c d e f g Buchenau, Jurgen (Spring 2001). "Small numbers, great impact: Mexico and its immigrants, 1821-1973". Journal of American Ethnic History 20 (3): 23–50.
^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Gonzalez Oropeza, Manuel. "La Discriminacion en Mexico: El Caso de los nacionales chinos [Discrimination in Mexico: The case of Chinese nationals]" (in Spanish). Biblioteca Jurídica Virtual. http://www.bibliojuridica.org/libros/1/148/5.pdf. Retrieved July 10, 2010.
^ a b c "La inmigración china". Enciclopedia de Sonora. State of Sonora. http://enciclopedia.sonora.gob.mx/Runscript.asp?p=ASP\pg155.asp&page=155. Retrieved 8 July 2010.
^ a b c Campos Rico, Ivonne Virgina (2003) (in Spanish). La Formación de la Comunidad China en México: políticas, migración, antichinismo y relaciones socioculturales (thesis). Mexico City: Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH-SEP). pp. 76.
^ a b c d e Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 546.
^ Campos Rico, Ivonne Virgina (2003) (in Spanish). La Formación de la Comunidad China en México: políticas, migración, antichinismo y relaciones socioculturales (thesis). Mexico City: Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH-SEP). pp. 79.
^ Maria Enriqueta Beatriz Guajardo Peredo (1989). Immigraciones chinas a Mexico durante el periodo Obregon-Calles (1920-1928) (B.A. thesis). Escuela Nacional de Antropolgía e Historia INAH-SEP. p. 54.
^ a b Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 551.
^ Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 549–550.
^ a b Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 550.
^ a b c d e f g h i Cummings, JOe (2001). "Mexicali’s Chinatown:Sharks fin Tacos and Barbecued Chow Mein". CPA Media. http://www.cpamedia.com/history/sharks_fin_tacos/. Retrieved 8 July 2010.
^ Campos Rico, Ivonne Virgina (2003) (in Spanish). La Formación de la Comunidad China en México: políticas, migración, antichinismo y relaciones socioculturales (thesis). Mexico City: Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH-SEP). pp. 83–84.
^ a b Campos Rico, Ivonne Virgina (2003) (in Spanish). La Formación de la Comunidad China en México: políticas, migración, antichinismo y relaciones socioculturales (thesis). Mexico City: Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH-SEP). p. 91.
^ Campos Rico, Ivonne Virgina (2003) (in Spanish). La Formación de la Comunidad China en México: políticas, migración, antichinismo y relaciones socioculturales (thesis). Mexico City: Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH-SEP). p. 117.
^ a b c Campos Rico, Ivonne Virgina (2003) (in Spanish). La Formación de la Comunidad China en México: políticas, migración, antichinismo y relaciones socioculturales (thesis). Mexico City: Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH-SEP). pp. 108.
^ Campos Rico, Ivonne Virgina (2003) (in Spanish). La Formación de la Comunidad China en México: políticas, migración, antichinismo y relaciones socioculturales (thesis). Mexico City: Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH-SEP). pp. 118–120.
^ a b Campos Rico, Ivonne Virgina (2003) (in Spanish). La Formación de la Comunidad China en México: políticas, migración, antichinismo y relaciones socioculturales (thesis). Mexico City: Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH-SEP). pp. 123–124.
^ a b c d e f g h Augustine-Adams, Kif (Spring 2009). "Making Mexico: Legal Nationality, Chinese Race, and the 1930 Population Census". Law and History Review (University of Illinois) 27 (1). http://www.historycooperative.org/journ ... adams.html.
^ Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 552–553.
^ a b Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 552.
^ Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 553–554.
^ Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 553.
^ Maria Enriqueta Beatriz Guajardo Peredo (1989). Immigraciones chinas a Mexico durante el periodo Obregon-Calles (1920-1928) (B.A. thesis). Escuela Nacional de Antropolgía e Historia INAH-SEP. p. 75.
^ Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 556.
^ Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 557.
^ Maria Enriqueta Beatriz Guajardo Peredo (1989). Immigraciones chinas a Mexico durante el periodo Obregon-Calles (1920-1928) (B.A. thesis). Escuela Nacional de Antropolgía e Historia INAH-SEP. p. 76.
^ a b c d e f Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 547.
^ Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 556–557.
^ Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 561.
^ Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 545.
^ Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 559.
^ Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 564.
^ Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 567.
^ Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 565.
^ Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 560.
^ Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 568.
^ Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 570.
^ Schiavone Camacho, Julia Maria (November 2009). "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s-1960s". Pacific Historical Review (Berkeley) 78 (4): 571–572.
^ http://www.ivpressonline.com/articles/2 ... news01.txt Chinese pioneers helped establish Mexicali Valley in the early 20th century
^ http://www.ivpressonline.com/articles/2 ... news01.txt Chinese pioneers helped establish Mexicali Valley in the early 20th century
^ Cabrera del Angel, Olivia (2008-02-17). "Un arco refuerza el lazo Pekín-Distrito Federal" (in Spanish). Mexico City: Excelsior. http://www.exonline.com.mx/XStatic/exce ... &id=134983. Retrieved May 31, 2009.[dead link]
^ a b Campos Rico, Ivonne Virgina (2003) (in Spanish). La Formación de la Comunidad China en México: políticas, migración, antichinismo y relaciones socioculturales (thesis). Mexico City: Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH-SEP). pp. 128–135.
^ a b c Campos Rico, Ivonne Virgina (2003) (in Spanish). La Formación de la Comunidad China en México: políticas, migración, antichinismo y relaciones socioculturales (thesis). Mexico City: Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH-SEP). pp. 119–121.
^ Simon, Angelica (2007-04-12). "Comunidad estigmatizada" (in Spanish). Culiacan Sinaloa: El Universal. http://www.el-universal.com.mx/notas/418010.html. Retrieved May 31, 2009.

-----------------------

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_Mexican

Cantonese Brazilian


Total population

151,649 Chinese Brazilians
Regions with significant populations
São Paulo City
Languages
Portuguese, Chinese languages, others

Religion
Buddhism, Christianity, Taoism, others

Cantonese Brazilians (Portuguese: sino-brasileiro or chinês-brasileiro; Chinese: 巴西华人 or 巴西华裔) are people of Chinese ancestry who were born in or have immigrated to Brazil. The Chinese Brazilian population was estimated to be approximately 151,649.[1]

São Paulo has the largest Chinese Brazilian population, in particular on the district of Liberdade. Besides being an area famous for its strong Japanese presence, a significant number of Taiwanese immigrants have settled in Liberdade, and many Chinese immigrants have came to Liberdade following the Communist revolution in 1949. Many Cantonese from Hong Kong and Portuguese-speaking Macau, including some Macanese of mixed Chinese and Portuguese descent, have also settled in Brazil. These Macau immigrants can usually speak and understand Portuguese (its Creole, Macanese or Patuá, is also spoken), allowing them to adjust more easily to life in Brazil. Today, Chinese Brazilians are usually bilingual with Portuguese and Chinese.

Notable persons

Anderson Lau, actor;
Chen Kong Fang, artist;
William Boss Woo, politician.
Sou Kit Gom, artist-painter;
Anthony Wong, infectologist-pediatrician
Liu Ming Chung, entrepreneur, self made billionaire, no 582 on 2010 list of world billionaires of Forbes.com. The king of recycled paper.
Lawrence Pih, business man - President of Moinho Pacifico, the largest flour mill in South America, Early supporter of President Lula da Silva
Ken Chang, 張智堯, A Brazilian actor of Chinese descent, popular TV series star in Taiwan and China.
References

^ http://www.ocac.gov.tw/english/public/p ... 63&level=B
External links

A Presença Chinesa no Brasil - Pesquisa Bibliográfica. Fundação João Nabuco/João Nabuco Foundation of Brazil together with the International Institute of Macau present: "The Chinese Presence in Brazil - A Bibliographic Research".
Padrões de Linguagem nos Imigrantes Chineses - Diglossia. This is a scholarly article written in Portuguese, the title meaning "Diglossie - Patterns of Language of Chinese Immigrants [in Brazil].

------------------------

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_in_Brazil

Cantonese Caribbean


Notable people of Chinese-Caribbean descent:
Fulgencio Batista • Anya Ayoung-Chee • Alfredo Abon Lee
Vincent "Randy" Chin • Wifredo Lam • Sean Paul
Kirk Acevedo • Clive Chin • Bunny Lee

Regions with significant populations
Cuba 114,240
Suriname 70,000
Jamaica 70,000
Dominican Republic 15,000
Trinidad and Tobago 3,800
Guyana 2,722
Languages
Colonial Languages:
English (Guyanese · Jamaican · Trinidadian) · Spanish · French · Dutch
Chinese Languages:
Mandarin · Cantonese · Hokkien

Religion
Christianity · Buddhism · Taoism · Atheism · Agnosticism

Related ethnic groups
Overseas Chinese

Chinese Caribbeans are people of Chinese ethnic origin living in the Caribbean. There are small but significant populations of Chinese and their descendants in all countries of the Greater Antilles. They are all part of the large Chinese diaspora known as Overseas Chinese.

Contents

[hide]
1 Sub-Groups
2 Migration History
3 See also
4 References
[edit] Sub-Groups

Caribbean Islands:

Chinese Cuban
Ethnic Chinese in the Dominican Republic
Chinese Haitian
Chinese Jamaican
Chinese immigration to Puerto Rico
Chinese Trinidadian and Tobagonian
Mainland Caribbean:

Chinese Guyanese
Chinese Surinamese
[edit] Migration History

Between 1853 and 1879, 14,000 Chinese laborers were imported to the British Caribbean as part of a larger system of contract labor bound for the sugar plantations. Imported as a contract labor force from China, Chinese settled in three main locations: Jamaica, Trinidad, and British Guiana (now Guyana), initially working on the sugar plantations. Most of the Chinese laborers initially went to British Guiana; however when importation ended in 1879, and the population declined steadily, mostly due to emigration to Trinidad and Suriname.[1]

Chinese immigration to Cuba started in 1847 when Cantonese contract workers were brought to work in the sugar fields, bringing the religion of Buddhism with them. Hundreds of thousands of Chinese workers were brought in from Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan during the following decades to replace and / or work alongside African slaves. After completing 8-year contracts or otherwise obtaining their freedom, some Chinese immigrants settled permanently in Cuba, although most longed for repatriation to their homeland. When the United States enacted the Chinese Exclusion Act on May 6, 1882, many Chinese in the United States fled to Puerto Rico, Cuba and other Latin American nations. They established small niches and worked in restaurants and laundries.[2]

[edit] See also

Caribbean Chinese cuisine
Afro-Caribbean
Indo-Caribbean
[edit] References

^ : Chinese in the English-Speaking Caribbean
^ : The Chinese Community and Santo Domingo’s Barrio Chino

-------------------------

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_Caribbean

Ethnic Cantonese in Panama


Total population
135,000 (2003)
4% of the Panamanian population
Languages
Chinese, Hakka, Spanish

Religion
Buddhism[1]

Related ethnic groups
Overseas Chinese

Ethnic Chinese in Panama, also variously referred to as Chinese-Panamanian, Panamanian-Chinese, Panama Chinese, or in Spanish as Chino-Panameño,[citation needed] are Panamanian citizens and residents of Chinese origin or descent.[2][3][4]

The community of ethnic Chinese in Panama began to form in the latter half of the 19th century. The first group of Chinese labourers arrived in the country on 30 March 1854 by way of Canada and Jamaica to work on the Panama Railroad.[5] By the early 20th century, they had already come to play a crucial role in other sectors of the economy as well; they owned over 600 retail stores, and the entire country was said to depend on provisions from their stores.[4] The community faced various challenges, including a 1903 law declaring them as "undesirable citizens", a 1913 head tax, a 1928 law requiring them to submit special petitions in order to become Panamanian citizens, and the revocation of their citizenship under the 1941 constitution promulgated by Arnulfo Arias.[4][5] However, their citizenship was restored in 1946 under the new constitution which declared all people born in Panama to be citizens. Immigration slowed during the 1960s and 1970s, but resumed during the reform and opening up of China, as Deng Xiaoping's government began to relax emigration restrictions.[5] The older Chinatowns, such as the one at Salsipuedes, have become of less importance in the Chinese community recently. Though they were described as "hives" of activity in the 1950s and 1960s, the opening of large department stores reduced the importance of Chinese retailers, and as the years went on, many closed their shops; a few retailers of Chinese products remain in the area, staffed by recent immigrants.[3] Many Chinese emigrated to neighboring Colombia and/or United States (where Chinese and Hispanic populations live) from the dictatorial rule.

As of 2003, there were estimated to be between 135,000 and 200,000 Chinese in Panama, making them the largest Chinese community in Central America; they are served by thirty-five separate ethnic representative organisations.[6][7] Their numbers include 80,000 new immigrants from mainland China and 300 from Taiwan; 99% are of Cantonese-speaking origin, although Mandarin and Hakka speakers are represented among newer arrivals.[5][6] In the aftermath of the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, many mainland Chinese fled to Panama by way of Hong Kong on temporary visas and short-term residency permits; estimates of the size of the influx ranged from 9,000 to 35,000.[8] The latest wave of immigrants are less educated than earlier arrivals, and their presence has caused internal tensions within the Chinese community.[5] Tensions have also arisen due to external factors; the government of the People's Republic of China vies with the Republic of China on Taiwan for influence among the local Chinese community, hoping to gain formal diplomatic recognition from the Panamanian government. Both sides have funded the building of schools and other community facilities and donated millions of dollars worth of Chinese textbooks.[7]

[edit] Notable individuals

Bruce Chen, pitcher for the Kansas City Royals[9]
Shey Ling Him Gordon, Panama's delegate to the Miss World 2007 competition[10]
Juan Tam, Activist, historian, writer. Author of Wah-On: La Necropolis Oriental and Huellas Chinas en Panama[11]
Jorge Cham, web comic creator of Piled Higher and Deeper [12]
Sigrid Nunez, writer (Chinese-Panamanian father, German mother)[13]
[edit] References

^ "Panama", International Religious Freedom Report, U.S. Department of State, 2004, http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2004/35549.htm. "5 percent of the population includes the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons), with an estimated 15,000 members, Seventh-day Adventists, members of Jehovah's Witnesses, Episcopalians with between 5,000 and 9,000 members, and other Christians. It also includes small but influential Jewish and Muslim communities, each with about 10,000 members; Baha'is, who maintain one of the world's seven Baha'i Houses of Worship; and recent Chinese immigrants practicing Buddhism" (emphasis added).
^ Siu, Lok (Summer 2005), "Queen of the Chinese Colony: Gender, Nation, and Belonging in Diaspora", Anthropological Quarterly 78 (3): 511–42, doi:10.1353/anq.2005.0041, http://muse.jhu.edu/login?uri=/journals ... .3siu.html, retrieved 2007-11-07
^ a b Vega Abad, Lina (2003-07-20), "De Salsipuedes al 'barrio chino'" (in Spanish), La Prensa, Panamá, http://mensual.prensa.com/mensual/conte ... udad.shtml, retrieved 2007-11-07
^ a b c "May Expel Panama Chinese; Those Who Refuse to Pay a Head Tax to be Deported To-morrow" (PDF), The New York Times, 1913-11-12, http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-fr ... 946296D6CF, retrieved 2007-11-07
^ a b c d e Jackson, Eric (May 2004), "Panama's Chinese community celebrates a birthday, meets new challenges", The Panama News 10 (9), http://www.thepanamanews.com/pn/v_10/is ... ty_01.html, retrieved 2007-11-07
^ a b President Chen's State Visit to Panama, Government Information Office, Republic of China, October 2003, http://www.gio.gov.tw/taiwan-website/5- ... pa01.htm#3, retrieved 2007-11-07
^ a b Hua, Vanessa (2002-06-23), "Playing the Panama card - The China-Taiwan connection", The San Francisco Chronicle, http://www.journalismfellowships.org/st ... taiwan.htm, retrieved 2007-11-07
^ Johnston, David (1990-06-18), "Officials Brace for Exodus of Foreigners from Panama", The New York Times, http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.h ... A966958260, retrieved 2007-11-07
^ Arangure, Jorge (2006-04-05), "Chen Grew From Distinct Roots", Washington Post, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/co ... 02068.html, retrieved 2007-08-06
^ Rodríguez, Gabriel (2007-10-29), "Con destino a Sanya" (in Spanish), La Prensa, Panamá, http://mensual.prensa.com/mensual/conte ... 58575.html, retrieved 2007-11-11
^ Jackson, Eric (2007-04-22), "A Panamanian history that really ought to be translated into English" (in English), The Panama News, Panamá, http://www.thepanamanews.com/pn/v_13/is ... ew_02.html, retrieved 2007-05-05
^ Piled Higher and Deeper Piled Higher and Deeper, http://www.phdcomics.com/ Piled Higher and Deeper
^ Sigrid Nunez, http://www.themorningnews.org/archives/ ... _nunez.php
[edit] Further reading

Siu, Lok (2005), Memories of a Future Home: Diasporic Citizenship of Chinese in Panama, Stanford University Press, ISBN 0804753024
Tam, Juan (2006), Huellas China en Panama: 150 años de presencia, Panama: Unico Impresores, ISBN 9962024447
Tam, Juan (2004), 《巴拿馬華僑150年移民史》 [Banama huaqiao: 150 nian yimin shi], 台北市: 秀威資訊科技股份有限公司, ISBN 9867614453
Tam, Juan (2003), Wah On: La Necropolis Oriental, Panama: Unico Impresores, ISBN 9962024358

-------------------------

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_Chinese_in_Panama

Cantonese Cuban


Total population
114,240 [1]
Regions with significant populations
Havana
Languages
Spanish, Mandarin, Cantonese

Religion
Buddhism, Christianity, others

Related ethnic groups
Chinese Nicaraguan, Chinese Brazilian, Overseas Chinese

A Chinese Cuban (traditional Chinese: 古巴華人, simplified Chinese: 古巴华人; pinyin: Gǔbā húarén Cantonese Jyutping: Gu2 Baa1 Waa4 jan4; Spanish: chino-cubano) is a Cuban of Chinese ancestry who was born in or has immigrated to Cuba. They are part of the ethnic Chinese diaspora (or Overseas Chinese).

Contents

[hide]
1 History
2 Current distribution
3 In literature
4 Prominent Chinese Cubans
5 Further reading
6 See also
7 References
[edit] History

Chinese immigration to Cuba started in 1847 when Cantonese contract workers were brought to work in the sugar fields, bringing the religion of Buddhism with them. Hundreds of thousands of Chinese workers were brought in from Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan during the following decades to replace and / or work alongside African slaves. After completing 8-year contracts or otherwise obtaining their freedom, some Chinese immigrants settled permanently in Cuba, although most longed for repatriation to their homeland. Havana's Chinatown (known as Barrio Chino de La Habana) is one of the oldest and largest Chinatowns in Latin America. Some 5,000 immigrants from the U.S. came to Cuba during the late 19th century to escape the discrimination present at the time. A small wave of Chinese immigrants also arrived during the early 20th century to escape the political chaos in China.

The Chinese tended to concentrate heavily in urban areas, especially in the Havana Chinatown. Many used the money they accumulated as indentured laborers to open small grocery stores or restaurants. Generations of Chinese-Cubans married into the larger Spanish, mulatto and Afro-Cuban populations. Today almost all Chinese-Cubans have African, Spanish, and Chinese ancestry.Chinese opened businesses such as market gardens and shops. The first Chinese owned businesses were opened in 1858 in Havana in Cuba, a fruit store and cafe. Few Chinese married due to lack of Chinese women. According to the Cuba Commission, two Chinese married Chinese women, two married white women, and a half dozen married mulattoes and Negro women. There was no legal protection for Chinese in Cuba [2] [3] In the 1920s an additional 30,000 Cantonese arrived; immigrations were exclusively male, and there was rapid intermarriage with white especially black, mulatto populations.In 1980 there were more than four thousand Cantonese living and in 2002 only 300 pure chinese were left.


Some Chinese fought in Cuba's Ten Years' War. Chinese Cubans, including some Chinese-Americans from California, joined the Spanish-American War in 1898 to achieve independence from Spain, but a few Chinese, who were loyal to Spain, left Cuba and went to Spain. Racial acceptance and assimilation would come much later.

When the new revolutionary government led by Fidel Castro came to power in 1959, the economic and political situation changed. Many Chinese grocery store owners, having had their properties expropriated by the new government, left Cuba. Most of these settled in the United States, particularly nearby Florida, where they and their U.S.-born children are called Chinese-Americans or Cuban-Americans of Chinese descent, while a relatively few to nearby Dominican Republic and other Latin American countries, and also to U.S.-ruled territory of Puerto Rico, where they are called Chinese Puerto Ricans, Cuban-Puerto Ricans of Chinese descent, or Cuban-Americans of Chinese descent. Chinese refugees to United States include people whose ancestors came to Cuba 10 years before the Cuban Revolution and those from the United States. These Chinese American refugees, whose ancestors had come from California, were happy to be back in the United States. As a result of this exodus, the number of pure Chinese dropped sharply in Havana’s Barrio Chino. The places they migrated to had a unique Chinese culture and a popularity of Chinese Cuban restaurants.

[edit] Current distribution



Dragones street, Havana's Chinatown heart.
The Chinese Cubans fought in the Cuban war of independence on the side of those seeking independence from Spain. A memorial consisting of a broken column memorializes Chinese participation in the war of independence at the corners of L and Linea in Havana.

The Barrio Chino de La Habana today is now not the largest Chinatown in Latin America. Most Chinese Cubans live outside Barrio Chino. Some of the Chinese stayed after the start of Castro's rule. Younger generations are working in a larger variety of jobs. There are many song composers and entering show-business: actors, actresses, singers, and models.

Several community groups, especially Chinatown Promotional Group (Spanish: Grupo Promotor del Barrio Chino), worked to revive Barrio Chino and the faded Chinese culture. Chinese Language and Arts School (Escuela de la Lengua y Artes China) opened in 1993 and has grown since then, helping Chinese Cubans to strengthen their knowledge of the Chinese language. Today, Chinese Cubans tend to speak Mandarin, Cantonese, and a mixture of Chinese and Spanish, in addition to Spanish and English. They also promoted small businesses, like beauty parlors, mechanical shops, restaurants, and small groceries, provided to them to create a view of Barrio Chino. Havana’s Barrio Chino also experienced buildings of Chinese architecture and museum with backgrounds about China. As a result, the Chinese Cuban community has gained visibility.

[edit] In literature

The influence of the Chinese migration to Cuba is thoroughly reflected in the novel The Island of Eternal Love (Riverhead Books, June 2008), by Cuban-American author Daína Chaviano. Originally published in Spain as La isla de los amores infinitos (Grijalbo-Random House 2006), it has been sold to 25 languages. The plot covers 150 years of history, beginning in the 1840s through the 1990s.
A Cuban-Chinese family engaged in international intrigue appears in William Gibson's Spook Country (2007).
[edit] Prominent Chinese Cubans

Fulgencio Batista, president and dictator, had some Chinese ancestry
Wifredo Lam, a painter of the Surrealist school
Yat-Sen Chang, ballet dancer
Armando Choy Rodríguez, General in the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces
Gustavo Chui Beltrán, General in the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces
Moisés Sio Wong, General in the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces
Alfredo Abon Lee, commander of the pro-government forces in the Battle of Yaguajay
[edit] Further reading

López-Calvo, Ignacio (June 2008). Imaging the Chinese in Cuban Literature and Culture. University Press of Florida. ISBN 0-8130-3240-7.
López-Calvo, Ignacio. “Chinesism and the commodification of Chinese Cuban culture.” Alternative Orientalisms in Latin America and Beyond. Ed. Ignacio López-Calvo. Newcastle, England: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2007. 95-112
[edit] See also

Cuba portal
Overseas Chinese
Chinatowns in Latin America
Cuba-People's Republic of China relations
Cubans
Chinese Caribbean
Asian Latin American
[edit] References

^ CIA World Factbook. Cuba. 2008. May 15, 2008. <https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/cu.html>.
^ Arnold J. Meagher (2008). The coolie trade: the traffic in Chinese laborers to Latin America 1847-1874. Arnold J Meagher. pp. 486. ISBN 1436309433. http://books.google.com/books?id=H7dBmB ... es&f=false. Retrieved 2010-08-04.
^ http://www.uv.es/EBRIT/macro/macro_5006_64_24.html

--------------------

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_Cuban

Cantonese Jamaicans


Notable Chinese Jamaicans:
Bunny Lee • Sean Paul • Clive Chin
Total population
Approx. 22,000 (1998)[1]
Regions with significant populations
Jamaica: Kingston
Overseas: Toronto, New York City, South Florida
Languages
Jamaican English, Jamaican Patois

Religion
Christianity (primarily Catholicism and Anglicanism) with some elements of Chinese folk religion[2]

Related ethnic groups
Hakka people, ethnic Chinese in Panama, Jamaican Americans, Jamaican Canadians,

Chinese Jamaicans are the descendants of migrants from China to Jamaica. Early migrants came in the 19th century; there was another wave of migration in the 1980s and 1990s. Many of the descendants of early migrants have moved abroad, primarily to Canada and the United States.[3]

Contents

[hide]
1 Migration history
2 Community organisations
3 Interethnic relations
4 Religion
5 Cultural syncretism
6 Notable people
7 See also
8 Footnotes
9 Bibliography
10 Further reading
11 External links
Migration history

Most Chinese Jamaicans are Hakka and can trace their origin to the Chinese labourers that came to Jamaica in the mid-19th to early 20th centuries.[4] The British parliament made a study of prospects for Chinese migration to the West Indies in 1811, and in 1843 made an attempt to recruit Chinese workers to come to Jamaica, British Guiana, and Trinidad, but nothing came of it.[5] The two earliest ships of Chinese migrant workers to Jamaica arrived in 1854, the first directly from China, the second composed of onward migrants from Panama; they were contracted for plantation work.[6] A further 200 would arrive in the years up until 1870, mostly from other Caribbean islands. Later, in 1884, a third wave of 680 Chinese migrants would arrive; with the exception of a few from Sze Yup, most of these were Hakka people from Dongguan, Huiyang, and Bao'an. This third wave of migrants would go on to bring more of their relatives over from China.[4]

From 1910, Chinese immigrants were required to pay a £30 deposit and pass a written test to demonstrate that they could write 50 words in three different languages; the restrictions on Chinese migrants were tightened even further in 1931, but relaxed again by 1947 due to lobbying by the Chinese consulate.[7] The 1943 census showed 12,394 Chinese residing in Jamaica; these were divided into three categories by the census, namely "China-born" (2,818), "local-born" (4,061), and "Chinese coloured" (5,515), the latter referring to multiracial people of mixed African and Chinese descent. This made Chinese Jamaicans the second largest Chinese population in the Caribbean, behind Chinese Cubans.[8][9] By 1963, the Chinese had a virtual monopoly on retail trade in Jamaica, controlling 90% of dry goods stores and 95% of supermarkets, along with extensive holdings in other sectors such as laundries and betting parlours.[10]

Since the 1970s, thousands of Chinese Jamaicans moved abroad as Jamaica's economy slowed; at first, they went primarily to Canada, which was more open to immigration than the United States, but the U.S. later became a major destination as well. As a result, clusters of Chinese Jamaicans can be found outside of Jamaica as well, in Toronto, New York City, and South Florida. However, in the 1980s and 1990s, there was a new wave of Chinese migration to Jamaica, consisting of Hong Kong and Taiwan entrepreneurs who set up textiles factories on the island targeting the U.S. market, and often brought in migrant workers from China to staff their ventures.[3]

Community organisations

In comparison to Overseas Chinese communities elsewhere, hometown associations related to migrants' places of origin in China were not very influential among migrants to Jamaica.[11] Some secret societies such as the Hongmenhui were active in organising plantation workers in the 1880s; however, the first formal Chinese organisation in Jamaica was a branch of the Freemasons.[12] Later, the Chinese Benevolent Association (中華會館) was founded in 1891.[13] The CBA continues to operate from a two-story building with guardian lion statues in the front; the ground floor is occupied by the Jamaican-Chinese Historical Museum. The building has been featured on a Jamaican postage stamp.[3]

The first Chinese-language newspaper in Jamaica, the Zhonghua Shang Bao (中華商報), was founded in 1930 by Zheng Yongkang; five years later, it was taken over by the Chinese Benevolent Association, who renamed it Huaqiao Gongbao (華僑公報). It continued publication until 1956, and was revived in 1975.[14] The Chinese Freemasons also published their own handwritten weekly newspaper, the Minzhi Zhoukan (民治周刊) until 1956. The Pagoda, started in 1940, was the first English-language newspaper for the Chinese community. The local branch of the Kuomintang (Chinese Nationalist Party) also began publishing their own paper, The Chung San News (中山報) in 1953.[12]

Prior to Jamaican independence, there was an annual Miss Chinese Jamaica pageant, initially organised as a fundraiser for the CBA.[15] It came to be supported by The Pagoda, which wrote editorials exhorting girls from the Chinese community to join, and in some years offered sponsorship prizes such as, in 1955, a two-week trip to Miami for the winner, in an effort to spark participation in what was sometimes a sparsely attended event.[16] However, as the pageant grew in popularity, it drew charges from Afro-Jamaican journalists that the ethnic pride on display there was "unpatriotic" and "un-Jamaican". The pageant renamed itself to the Miss Chinese Athletic Club, in an effort to avoid controversy, but nevertheless, held its final "openly racialised beauty contest" in 1962.[17] Over the following years, Chinese Jamaican women did not participate in the Miss Jamaica pageant for fear of racial controversy. However, this informal colour line was broken in 1973, when Patsy Yuen entered and earned the Miss Jamaica title in 1973, going on to place third in the Miss World competition in London; however, Yuen publicly portrayed herself as a completely assimilated Jamaican with little connection to her Chinese heritage, claiming in media statements that she didn't even like Chinese food, in order to avoid "disrupt[ing] the official picture of the country's identity".[18]

There was also a Chinese Jamaican community school, the Chinese Public School. It was set up first by the Chinese Freemasons in 1920 (under the Chinese name 華僑公立學校), and operated until 1922; a Chinese drama club revived the school in 1924 (and gave it a new Chinese name 新民學校, literally "New People's School"), charging tuition fees of £6. The drama club continued to operate the school until 1928, when the CBA purchased it for £2,300 and gave it its present name, and moved it into a larger building.[19] The CBA promulgated a new constitution for the school in 1944, which stated that it would follow the curriculum of the Republic of China's Ministry of Education, and that Chinese was the primary medium of instruction while "foreign languages" were secondary. In 1945, with enrollments booming to 300 students and competitor schools being established as well, the Republic of China consulate called for donations to renovate the school, eventually raising £10,000. In the 1950s, there was heated debate in the community over the medium of instruction, with some suggesting curriculum localisation in the name of practicality, while others saw abandonment of Chinese-medium instruction as tantamount to abandonment of Chinese identity.[20] Practical considerations won out; the curriculum was reorganised with English as the primary instructional medium in 1952, and by 1955, the school only had two teachers who could speak any Chinese.[21] After that, the school's fortunes fluctuated, and it was finally closed down in the mid-1960s.[22][23]

Interethnic relations

Early Chinese migrants, largely male, often entered into common-law unions with the Afro-Jamaican women who worked in their businesses. However, Chinese women rarely married Afro-Jamaican men. Interracial marriage became less common as the number of women of Chinese descent in Jamaica grew.[24] Nevertheless, by the 1943 census, nearly 45% of Jamaicans with some Chinese ancestry fell into the census category of "Chinese coloured" (mixed Chinese and African descent).[9]

Along with other ethnic entrepreneurs associated with foreign capital—Lebanese, Syrians, and Cubans—Chinese entrepreneurs became a targets of antagonism from the Jamaican poor, who regarded them as "alien and exploitative".[25] Unlike in other countries of the West Indies, where East Indians took the brunt of racial antipathy from black populations, in Jamaica the Chinese themselves found themselves the targets of ethnic prejudice fueled by worker unrest.[26] This resentment against Chinese Jamaicans often manifested itself in the form of property crimes, especially arson. However, in the popular imagination, such arson was not seen as the result of attacks by poor Jamaicans, but rather as attempts at insurance fraud, yet another example of "sharp" Chinese business practises.[26][27] Anti-Chinese riots broke out in 1918 and 1938.[28]

Resentments against Chinese Jamaicans again reached a boiling point in 1965. On 28 August, an employee of a Chinese-owned store in Kingston reported to police that three Chinese brothers beat her at the store; an angry crowd surrounded the store, and one member of the crowd was shot by a Chinese. Over the next few days, crowds of as many as 300 people were seen looting and burning Chinese stores in the Barry Street, West Queen Street, Spanish Town Road, Orange Street, and North Street area, with sporadic violence continuing until 1 September. During the disturbances, another eight people died; one of the dead had been shot by a Chinese trader defending his shop.[27] The disturbances were an example of increasing tensions in West Kingston, foreshadowing later violence between the Jamaica Labour Party and the People's National Party in the lead-up to the 1967 general election.[29]

Religion

See also: Religion in Jamaica
Early Chinese migrants to Jamaica brought elements of Chinese folk religion with them, most exemplified by the altar to Guan Yu which they erected in the old CBA building and which remains standing there, even as the CBA moved its headquarters.[30] However, with the passage of long decades since their ancestors first migrated from China, traditional Chinese religious practises have largely died out among Chinese Jamaicans.[31] Some traditional practises persisted well into the 20th century, most evident at the Chinese Cemetery, where families would go to clean their ancestors' graves during the Qingming Festival in what was often organised as a communal activity by the CBA (referred to in English as Gah San, after the Hakka word 嫁山); however, with the emigration of much of the Chinese Jamaican community to the North American mainland, the public, communal aspect of this grave-cleaning died out, and indeed it was not carried out for more than a decade before attempts by the CBA to revive it in 2004.[32]

Christianity has become the dominant religion among Chinese Jamaicans; they primarily adhere to the Catholic Church rather than the Protestantism of the majority establishment. Anglicans can also be found in the Chinese Jamaican community, but other denominations which are widespread in Jamaica such as Baptism (traditionally connected with the Afro-Jamaican community) are almost entirely absent among Chinese Jamaicans.[33] Conversion of Chinese Jamaicans to Christianity came about in several ways; some made conversions of convenience in order to obtain easy legal recognition for marriages and births, while Chinese men who entered into relationships with local women were often absorbed into church community through the selection of godparents for their children, and the attendance of children at Sunday schools. Furthermore, Catholic teachers taught English at the Chinese Public School up until its closure in the mid-1960s, which facilitated the entry of Chinese Jamaicans to well-known Catholic secondary schools.[23] There were a large number of conversions in the mid-1950s, evidence that the Chinese were "increasingly trying to adapt themselves to local society"; a former headmaster of the Chinese Public School, He Rujun, played a major role in attracting Chinese converts to Christianity in those years.[34]

The newest wave of Chinese migrants from Hong Kong and mainland China are in many cases not Christians, but they have not brought with then any widely visible non-Christian religious practises. A few of them were already Protestants, and have formed their own churches, which conduct worship services in Chinese; due to language barriers, they have little connection to the more assimilated segments of the Chinese Jamaican community.[35]

Cultural syncretism

Chinese Jamaicans have also had an impact on the development of reggae. The trend of Chinese Jamaican involvement in reggae began in the 1960s with Vincent "Randy" Chin, his wife Patricia Chin, and their label VP Records, where artists such as Beenie Man and Sean Paul launched their careers; it remains common to see Chinese surnames in the liner notes of reggae music, attesting to the continuing influence.[36][37]

Assimilation has taken place through generations and few Chinese Jamaicans can speak Chinese today; most of them speak English or Jamaican Patois as their first language. The vast majority have anglicized given names, and many have Chinese surnames. The Chinese food culture has survived to a large degree among this group of people.[citation needed]

Notable people


This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding reliable references. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (September 2010)
This is a list of notable Chinese immigrants in Jamaica, and Jamaicans of Chinese descent.

Tyson Beckford, model and actor
Chris Beckford-Tseu, ice hockey goalie
Jully Black, R&B singer (father is half Chinese Jamaican)
Cornel Chin-Sue, football player
Tessanne Chin, singer
Herman Chin Loy
Black Chiney, popular reggae/dancehall sound system
Naomi Campbell, British model and actress
Phil Chen, reggae bassist
Lonny Chin, Playboy model, Chinese Jamaican father
Staceyann Chin, spoken word poet
Vincent and Patricia Chin, founders of VP Records
Walter Chin, fashion photographer
Albert Chong, artist
Delroy Chuck, speaker of the Jamaican House of Representatives[7]
Mark Chung, soccer player
Patrick Chung, American football player for the New England Patriots
Tami Chynn, female recording artist
Saskia Garel, actress and former member of Love & Sas
Mona Hammond (born Mavis Chin), British actress
Joseph Hoo Kim, reggae/dancehall producer
Leslie Kong, reggae producer
Byron Lee, musician (known for the song 'Jump Up' in the first James Bond, film Dr. No)
Michael Lee-Chin, investor and chairman, of AIC Limited, no 937 of list of world billionaires of Forbes.com
Robinne Lee, actress
Rose Leon, member of the Jamaican parliament[7]
Omar Lye-Fook, soul singer (Chinese Jamaican father, Indo-Jamaican mother)
Nicole Lyn, actress
Sean Paul, popular reggae/dancehall musician
Karin Taylor, former Playboy model
Ferdinand Yap-Sam, member of the Jamaican parliament[7]
-

See also

Caribbean-China relations
People's Republic of China-Jamaica relations
Chinese Caribbean
Footnotes

^ Li 2004, p. 57
^ Shibata 2006
^ a b c Hemlock, Doreen (2005-04-17), "Out Of Many, One People: Chinese-Jamaicans Treasure Their Roots And Their Communities", Sun-Sentinel, http://articles.sun-sentinel.com/2005-0 ... e-heritage, retrieved 2010-08-26
^ a b Li 2004, p. 44
^ Lai 1998, p. 47
^ Li 2004, p. 43
^ a b c d Tortello, Rebecca (2003-09-01), "The Arrival of the Chinese", The Jamaica Gleaner, http://www.jamaica-gleaner.com/pages/hi ... ry0055.htm, retrieved 2010-08-30
^ Lai 1998, p. 287
^ a b Lai 1993, p. 50
^ Lacey 1977, p. 26
^ Li 2004, p. 53
^ a b Li 2004, p. 52
^ Li 2004, p. 47
^ Li 2004, p. 51
^ Barnes 1997, p. 297
^ Barnes 1997, p. 299
^ Barnes 1997, p. 300
^ Barnes 1997, p. 301–302
^ Li 2004, p. 48
^ Li 2004, p. 49
^ Li 2004, p. 49–50
^ Li 2004, p. 50
^ a b Shibata 2006, p. 58
^ Bouknight-Davis 2004, p. 83
^ Lacey 1977, p. 14
^ a b Lai 2005, p. 70
^ a b Lacey 1977, p. 86
^ Lai 2005, p. 71–72
^ Lacey 1977, p. 87
^ Shibata 2006, p. 55–56
^ Shibata 2006, p. 52
^ Shibata 2006, p. 64–5
^ Shibata 2006, p. 57
^ Li 2004, p. 56
^ Shibata 2006, p. 58–59
^ "Asian-American Heritage Week: Chinese Jamaicans Help Reggae Music Evolve", NY1.com, 2007-05-15, http://www.ny1.com/?SecID=1000&ArID=69724, retrieved 2010-08-30
^ "Asian-American Heritage Week: Multi-Ethnic Family Works To Maintain Asian Heritage", NY1.com, 2007-05-116, http://www.ny1.com/?SecID=1000&ArID=69761, retrieved 2010-08-30
Bibliography

Barnes, Natasha B. (1997), "Face of the Nation: Race, Nationalisms, and Identities in Jamaican Beauty Pageants", in López Springfield, Consuelo, Daughters of Caliban: Caribbean women in the twentieth century, Indiana University Press, pp. 285–306, ISBN 9780253332493
Bouknight-Davis, Gail (2004), "Chinese Economic Development and Ethnic Identity Formation in Jamaica", in Wilson, pp. 69–93
Lacey, Terry (1977), Violence and politics in Jamaica, 1960-70: internal security in a developing country, Manchester University Press, ISBN 9780719006333
Lai, Walton Look (1993), "The people from Kwangtung", Trinidad and Tobago Review 15 (8/9): 49–51, http://www.chinesejamaican.com/history.html#people
Lai, Walton Look (1998), The Chinese in the West Indies, 1806-1995: a documentary history, University of the West Indies, ISBN 9789766400217
Lai, Walton Look (2005), "Images of the Chinese in West Indian History", in Anderson, Wanni Wibulswasdi; Lee, Robert G., Displacements and diasporas: Asians in the Americas, Rutgers University Press, pp. 54–77, ISBN 9780813536118
Li, Anshan (2004), "Survival, Adaptation, and Integration: Origins and Development of the Chinese Community in Jamaica", in Wilson, pp. 41–68
Shibata, Yoshiko (2006), "Searching for a Niche, Creolizing Religious Tradition: Negotiation and Reconstruction of Ethnicity among Chinese in Jamaica", in Kumar, P. Pratap, Religious Pluralism in the Diaspora, Brill, pp. 51–72, ISBN 9789004152502
Wilson, Andrew R., ed. (2004), The Chinese in the Caribbean, Markus Wiener Publishers, ISBN 9781558763159
Further reading

Bryan, Patrick (1996), "The Creolization of the Chinese Community in Jamaica", in Reddock, Rhoda, Ethnic Minorities in Caribbean Society, University of the West Indies Press, pp. 173–272, ISBN 9789766180249
Lee, Russell (1998), "The Chinese Retail Grocery Trade in Jamaica", in Wang, Ling-chi; Wang, Gungwu, The Chinese Diaspora: Selected Essays, 2, Singapore: Times Academic Publisher, pp. 112–130, ISBN 9789812100931
External links

ChineseJamaican.com
Jamaican Chinese Worldwide - One Family (published by Huntsmill Graphics in 2004)
Caribbean Chinese Association, based in Toronto, Canada
"Interview with Jamaican race car driver Natasha Chang", Jamaicans.com, 1 November 2008

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http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_Jamaican

Cantonese people in Costa Rica


Franklin Chang-Diaz, Harry Shum, Jr.
Total population
7,873
Regions with significant populations
San José, Limón, Nicoya, Puntarenas[1]
Languages
Spanish, Chinese

Related ethnic groups
Chinese people, Asian Latinos

Chinese people in Costa Rica form a small part of the Chinese diaspora in Latin America.

Contents

[hide]
1 History
2 Distribution
3 Crime
4 Notable people
5 References
5.1 Notes
5.2 Sources
6 Further reading
[edit] History

The first Chinese migrants arrived in Costa Rica in 1855; they were a group of 77 originally from Guangzhou, who had come to Central America to work on the Panama Railway. Of them, 32 found work on the farm of José María Cañas, while the remaining 45 were hired by Alejandro Von Bulow, an agent sent by the Berlin Colonization Society to prepare suitable sites for German settlement in Costa Rica. During the 1859-1863 administration of José María Montealegre Fernández, laws were promulgated which prohibited the migration of blacks and Asians, in an effort to reserve Costa Rica for European settlers.[2]

Early Chinese migrants typically arrived by sea through the Pacific coast port of Puntarenas; a "Chinese colony" began to form in the area, founded by José Chen Apuy, a migrant from Zhongshan, Guangdong who arrived in 1873.[3] Puntarenas was so widely known among the Chinese community as a destination that some in China mistook it for the name of the whole country.[4]

In the 1970s, Taiwan began to become a major source of Chinese immigration to Costa Rica. However, they formed a transitory group, with many using Costa Rica as a stopover while they waited for permission to settle in the United States or Canada.[5] Those who settled permanently in Costa Rica included many pensioners enjoying their retirement abroad.[3]

[edit] Distribution

There is a sizeable Chinese community in the Puntarenas area and San José, around the "Paseo de los estudiantes" area.[citation needed]

[edit] Crime

Chinese mafia are believed to have begun operating in Costa Rica in 1991; they are typically involved in collection of gambling debts. Crimes attributed to them include two kidnappings for ransom in October 1998 and two more in May 2002.[6]

[edit] Notable people

Franklin Chang-Diaz, astronaut
Eduardo Li, president of the Costa Rican football federation
Cheng Siu Chung, retired football player now coach in Hong Kong
Harry Shum, Jr., Actor
[edit] References

[edit] Notes

^ Chen Apuy 1992, p. 7
^ Loría Chaves & Rodríguez Chaves 2001
^ a b Chen Apuy 1992, p. 3
^ Chen Apuy 1992, p. 5
^ Chen Apuy 1992, p. 2
^ UNHCR 2003
[edit] Sources

Chen Apuy, Hilda (December 1992), "La minoría china en Costa Rica", Revista Reflexiones 1 (5), ISSN 1659-2859, http://www.reflexiones.fcs.ucr.ac.cr/do ... inoria.pdf, retrieved 2009-05-07
Costa Rica: Chinese mafia in Costa Rica, including its activities and police actions against it, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, April 2003, http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/country,, ... 87a,0.html, retrieved 2009-05-07
Loría Chaves, Marlene; Rodríguez Chaves, Alonso (2001), "La inmigración china a Costa Rica. Entre la explotación y la exclusión (1870-1910)", Revista de historia 44 (2): 159–192
[edit] Further reading

Huesmann, James L. (1991), "The Chinese in Costa Rica, 1855-1897", Historian 53 (4): 711–720, doi:10.1111/j.1540-6563.1991.tb00830.x

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http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese-Co ... 1311775711